Wénlín Hànyǔ xuéxí ruǎnjiàn (Wénlín Wánzhěngbǎn) hé zìdiǎn kuòzhǎn chéngxù de kāifāzhě, Wénlín Yánjiūsuǒ Shèhuì Mùdì Gōngsī (SPC) wèi Hànyǔ xuéxí, yánjiū hé kāifā, tígōng ruǎnjiàn jiějué fāng'àn. Wénlín de shǐmìng shì bāngzhù rénmen xuéxí Hànyǔ hé Yīngyǔ, cùjìn bùtóng wénhuà jiān de jiàoyù, lǐjiě, gòngchǔ hé hézuò; fāzhǎn yǔyán hé jiàoyù kēxué, jìshù hé jìqiǎo. Yù liǎojiě gèngduō Wénlín Yánjiūsuǒ Shèhuì Mùdì Gōngsī de xiángqíng, qǐng diǎnjī wenlin.com.

Despite the party-market corporatism, Lee et al. (2007) explained that significant multiplicity continues to exist in the developmental path of local media because of differences in power structure and market maturity. Guangzhou media represent the ‘market competition within party-state ideological limits’ pattern. For example, three press groups in Guangzhou compete fiercely with separate content strategies, while Guangzhou Daily and Yangchen Evening Daily cater primarily to daily life relevance and avoid ‘grand narratives’, Nanfang City Daily and Nanfang Weekend often expose official wrongdoings and advocate liberal ideas. Beijing media that are hierarchically structured in parallel to national, ministerial and municipal levels of administrative authorities compete both horizontally and vertically for power and market on behalf of their patrons and constituencies, thus represent the ‘managed diversity through a precarious of the emerging interest politics among counterbalancing power bases’ pattern. For example, as the authors put it, the supreme leader Mao had to turn to the Shanghai press to wage wars against the Beijing Daily on the eve of the period of the Cultural Revolution because his influence at that point could not fully reach the constituency of the Beijing Daily (Lee et al., 2007).
Although the competitiveness of commercial new media are discerned, the interviewed journalists remain inclined to regard the contents of new media as ‘superficial’, ‘fast food-like’ and ‘targeting lower-level readers’. Accordingly, the journalists believe that the poor quality of the content provided by the nonprofessional new media outlets further highlights the importance of the journalists’ professional expertise of separating falsity from truth.

To examine the effects of media convergence on news production, both survey and in-depth interview are adopted with the press industry of Fujian Province as the case of analysis. At present, four large-scale press groups exist in Fujian Province: Xiamen Daily Group, which owns three comprehensive daily newspapers (Xiamen Daily, Xiamen Evening News and Haixi Morning Post); Fujian Daily News Press, which owns three comprehensive daily newspapers (Fujian Daily, Strait News and Strait Herald); Fuzhou Daily Media Press, which owns two comprehensive daily newspapers (Fuzhou Daily and Fuzhou Evening News) and Quanzhou Evening News Press, which owns two comprehensive daily newspapers (Quanzhou Evening News and Southeast Morning Post). Overall, the size and influence of the Fujian press industry are ranked in the middle nationwide.
6 J.J. Kennedy, “Maintaining popular support for the Chinese Communist Party: the influence of education and the state-controlled media,” Political Studies, Vol. 57, No. 3 (2009), pp. 517–36; Chen, X. and Shi, T., “Media effects on political confidence and trust in the People's Republic of China in the post-Tiananmen period,” East Asia: An International Quarterly, Vol. 19, No. 3 (2001), pp. 84–118.
Wénlín Hànyǔ xuéxí ruǎnjiàn (Wénlín Wánzhěngbǎn) hé zìdiǎn kuòzhǎn chéngxù de kāifāzhě, Wénlín Yánjiūsuǒ Shèhuì Mùdì Gōngsī (SPC) wèi Hànyǔ xuéxí, yánjiū hé kāifā, tígōng ruǎnjiàn jiějué fāng'àn. Wénlín de shǐmìng shì bāngzhù rénmen xuéxí Hànyǔ hé Yīngyǔ, cùjìn bùtóng wénhuà jiān de jiàoyù, lǐjiě, gòngchǔ hé hézuò; fāzhǎn yǔyán hé jiàoyù kēxué, jìshù hé jìqiǎo. Yù liǎojiě gèngduō Wénlín Yánjiūsuǒ Shèhuì Mùdì Gōngsī de xiángqíng, qǐng diǎnjī wenlin.com.
As national policy is further loosened, the Chinese media have begun exploring diversified modes of business operation. In 1996, the Guangzhou Daily Newspaper Group announced its foundation, thereby unfolding the prelude of conglomeration of Chinese media. However, the process of conglomeration accelerated significantly only during the turn of the millennium, which has also benefited from the promulgation of a series of polices.
Only six days after the first Mop post about the video, the kitten killer’s home was revealed as the town of Luobei in Heilongjiang Province, in the far northeast, and her name — Wang Jiao — was made public, as were her phone number and her employer. Wang Jiao and the cameraman who filmed her were dismissed from what the Chinese call iron rice bowls, government jobs that usually last to retirement and pay a pension until death.
Lā Qiáolā (La Jolla), Jiālìfúníyàzhōu -- Wénlín Yánjiūsuǒ, Zhōngwén Xuéxí Ruǎnjiàn Wénlín hé CDL zìtǐ jìshù kāifāshāng, xuānbù tuīchū ABC Hàn-Yīng Yànyǔ Cídiǎn de ruǎnjiàn bǎnběn, yóu Yuēhàn Luósēnnuò (John S. Rohsenow) biānjí. Xiàndài Yǔyán qīkān duì Luósēnnuò (Rohsenow) cídiǎn de píngjià shì “dàigěi rén yúkuài tǐyàn, yìyú shǐyòng ... wèi pǔtōng Yīngyǔ dúzhě kāiqǐ le Zhōngguó mínjiān zhìhuì de bǎokù... duì rènhé jíbié de yǔyán xuéshēng hé rènhé xūyào jīngpì géyán de rén dōu shì jí jù xīyǐnlì qiě shífēn shòuyì de.” (89, 2005). Yóu Wénlín Yánjiūsuǒ (zhǐzhìbǎn de biānzhìzhě) kāifā de xīnbǎn ruǎnjiàn wèi xuéxí yànyǔ zhè yī bǎoguì zīyuán zēngtiān le xīn de wéidù. Gāi ruǎnjiàn bǎnběn yīng yǔ Wénlín Hànyǔ Xuéxí Ruǎnjiàn 4.1 huò gèng gāo bǎnběn jiéhé shǐyòng. Yōngyǒu Wénlín qiángdà de ABC diànzǐ cídiǎn de quánbù jíhé, yìwèizhe jiǎntǐ hé fántǐ Zhōngwén de dúzhě kěyǐ shíshí fǎngwèn gèzhǒnggèyàng de cítiáo yǐ tànqiú Luósēnnuò jiàoshòu jīngliáng fānyì de wēimiào zhī chù, bìng lǐjiě Zhōngwén yànyǔ gēng shēnkè de hányì. Shìyòng yú suǒyǒu liúlǎnqì de bǎnběn zhèngzài jījí kāifā zhōng. Zhè yī xīn diànzǐbǎn de shòuzhòng wéi pǔtōng Yīngyǔ hé Hànyǔ dúzhě, yǐjí rénlèixué, yǔyánxué, wénxué, shèhuìxué, xīnlǐxué, lìshǐxué zài nèi de gèzhǒng lǐngyù de zhuānjiā. Xīnbǎn Wénlín 4.1 huò gèng gāo bǎnběn de ruǎnjiàn kě zài wǎngshàng www.wenlinshangdian.com yǐ 19.99 Měiyuán huòdé.
6 J.J. Kennedy, “Maintaining popular support for the Chinese Communist Party: the influence of education and the state-controlled media,” Political Studies, Vol. 57, No. 3 (2009), pp. 517–36; Chen, X. and Shi, T., “Media effects on political confidence and trust in the People's Republic of China in the post-Tiananmen period,” East Asia: An International Quarterly, Vol. 19, No. 3 (2001), pp. 84–118.

Starting from the emergence of online newspapers, traditional media departments, particularly their leadership, were rather ‘antagonistic’ against new media departments based on the concerns over newspaper circulation. Nevertheless, the competitive relationship between the two types of departments remained unclear because new media departments were situated in a relatively marginalised position inside the press industry. After media convergence along the dominant path was officially launched, original new media departments have been integrated into the new media centre. Vast financial support, manpower and material investments were put to the new media centres of the Fujian press industry, which had reinforced the position of new media department as a ‘rival’ to newspaper offices.
Simply speaking, media convergence is the process of integrating new media into the system of traditional media. Thus, journalists’ attitude towards the new media constitutes the foundation for better understanding of journalists’ attitude towards the convergence between traditional media and new media. Moreover, media convergence carries a prognosis that news production will move further to the direction towards timeliness, interactivity and use-centredness. Given that the newsroom routine adjusts rapidly, particularly as the audience increasingly engages in news production and professional boundaries blur further, the following questions need to be answered: Will the viewpoint of journalists towards new media become considerably negative? How will this attitude affect their perception of the convergence process between new media and traditional media?

From the viewpoint of local journalists, news from the Fujian press industry was originally highly homogenised and lacked competitiveness. After the three-phase censorship of new media was institutionalised, risks from converging news production declined, but the timely release of information was weakened and the opportunity for journalistic autonomy has decreased as well. When covering politically sensitive social events, the freedom of speech of the new media was equally limited relative to others within the press industry and was occasionally even more restricted than that of newspapers.
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Over the course of media reform in the past four decades, economic and technological logic has definitely been significantly adherent to political logic, thereby exerting an influence under the latter’s framework. For example, propaganda has been given a high priority as a function that the Chinese media must perform throughout the process of media reform. Nevertheless, the tension between profiting and propaganda, market and state provides space for the strategic development of the media industries within China.
From the viewpoint of local journalists, news from the Fujian press industry was originally highly homogenised and lacked competitiveness. After the three-phase censorship of new media was institutionalised, risks from converging news production declined, but the timely release of information was weakened and the opportunity for journalistic autonomy has decreased as well. When covering politically sensitive social events, the freedom of speech of the new media was equally limited relative to others within the press industry and was occasionally even more restricted than that of newspapers.

Yóulǐkǎ (Eureka), Jiālìfúníyàzhōu -- Jì qùnián dì-sì bǎn de zhòngdà shēngjí zhīhòu, Wénlín Yánjiūsuǒ jīntiān fābù le Wénlín 4.1 beta bǎn gēngxīn, kāifàng gěi fúhé tiáojiàn bìng yuànyì cānjiā cèshì de Wénlín 4.0 yònghù. Cèshì rényuán kě fǎngwèn www.wenlinshangdian.com bìng shǐyòng tāmen de Wénlín 4.0 xùliè hào miǎnfèi “yùdìng” gēngxīn. Wénlín 4.1 de zuìzhōng bǎn yùjì jiāng yú jīnnián qiūtiān fābù, duì 4.0 bǎn suǒyǒu yònghù de miǎnfèi kāifàng shēngjí.
According to Mai (2012: 155–168), these two paths have rendered the cooperative interactions between the traditional and new media outlets far less frequent, if not totally suspended, and are likely to further alienate the newspapers from the original or latest new media departments. In other words, both paths create new administrative barriers whilst breaching or circumventing the original administrative barriers.
According to Mai (2012: 155–168), these two paths have rendered the cooperative interactions between the traditional and new media outlets far less frequent, if not totally suspended, and are likely to further alienate the newspapers from the original or latest new media departments. In other words, both paths create new administrative barriers whilst breaching or circumventing the original administrative barriers.
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Dirigido a blogueros, personas influyentes, funcionarios de relaciones públicas, personalised de marketing, aspirantes a periodistas o cualquier persona que quiera aprender más sobre el oficio de la escritura, el curso enseña las habilidades básicas de la escritura profesional: la introducción, la pirámide invertida, las 5 W, las 3 C y, lo más importante de todo, la narración de cuentos.
The major obstacle to journalists’ willingness to collaborate is not their unawareness of the immense influence that new media has upon the press industry but their professional dignity. That is, the fiercer the competition that the press industry encounters, the greater the urgency that the journalists feel in defending the boundary between themselves, professionals and amateurs, who encompass all types of emerging information providers on new media. This elitist imagination of the profession motivates journalists to resist collaborating with the new media centres and inspires those who actively adapted themselves to converging news production.
Specifically, information released in new media outlets emphasise timeliness. The irreconcilable conflict between such requirement and the principle of accuracy in news reportage concerns many journalists. In China, the common rule of thumb in terms of news production is that ‘the writer is responsible for the consequences of this article’. Journalists are obliged to take full responsibility for all issues engendered by the news under their name. The risk of ‘more mistakes with more releases’ is a shadow that follows news production as a by-product of the censorship system. Thus, the journalists in Fujian’s press groups disregard the new system of censorship as a ‘buffer’ that could protect them from various risks, particularly political ones. When journalists believe that the risk they may undertake outweighs the financial return they will attain, they choose not to cooperate.

A professional company was commissioned to transcribe the anonymously processed materials. The tape scripts were then analysed in three phases. Firstly, a preliminary coding was accomplished by performing a line-by-line coding of the transcription as well as by defining the segments relevant to the issues under investigation. Secondly, new codes were formed by synthesising the preliminary codes, with focus laid on frequently occurring segments. Lastly, the new codes, between which the association was explored, were rearranged where it was used as basis for the construction of a consistent theoretical exposition.
The majority of the scholarly analyses of convergence under the culture-oriented perspective have focused on its effects on routines, skills and roles. Several studies indicate that media convergence has changed the routine of information gathering, editing and reporting within newsrooms (Phillips et al., 2009); made journalistic practices considerably stressful with the emergence of multiskilling (Wallace, 2013) and posed severe challenges on the traditional roles of news media, such as ‘gatekeeper’ (Williams and Delli Carpini, 2000) and ‘agenda-setter’ (Quandt and Singer, 2009), as the tendency of convergence between professional- and user-produced content becomes increasingly appreciable. Other studies that employed the same approach indicate that although journalists are confronted with multiple challenges, they do not necessarily take a negative stance to evaluating media convergence. Accordingly, the degree of media convergence (Saltzis and Dickinson, 2008) and size of a media organisation (Mishra, 2014) can affect the perceptions journalists have on convergence journalism, thereby affecting their attitude towards media convergence.
Prompts from new media centre editors that ‘users responded intensely’ are often believed as too trivial to be ‘worth writing about’, hence are ultimately ignored by journalists. Editors blame the journalists’ reaction on lack of awareness, that is, journalists lack knowledge of new media, underestimate the intensity of competition between the press industry and commercial new media and overlook user demands. In fact, journalists expressed their concern regarding increasingly intense market competition in both the survey and in-depth interviews. They sensed that when various types of newspapers obtain news clues from new media and as reportage becomes increasingly homogenised, newspapers are confronted with increasingly intense competition.
In addition, technology is equally a vital impetus for China’s media reform. Since the reform and opening-up, the popularisation of satellite technology, the Internet, mobile Internet and other technologies have changed the microscopic form, industrial structure, business model and operational mentality of Chinese media as well as accelerated the progress of media reform (Xiong et al., 2010).
Though holding relatively positive attitude towards new media as revealed in the survey, local journalists in Fujian’s press groups did not embrace the convergence with new media enthusiastically. The main change brought about with the convergence, after the establishment of the new media centre and the reconstruction of the news production workflow within Fujian’s press groups, is the journalists being currently expected to feed news to the centre so that the gap of contents for the new media outlets will be filled. During the interviews, directors, editors and journalists unanimously agreed that media convergence enhanced the requirements for timeliness and accuracy of news production as well as increased the intensity of journalists’ workload, but failed to radically alter the methods of selecting and writing news, thereby bearing no significant influence on journalists. A few journalists indicated their willingness to commit immediately to the convergence of news production; however, other journalists refused to cooperate with the new media centre.
In 2006, the General Administration of Press and Publication of China began enforcing the first batch of the ‘China Digital Newspaper Laboratory Programs’, in which 18 national and local press groups were involved in officially unfolding the prelude of the ‘full-media convergence’, namely an intensive integration of new media into the system of traditional press. Since 2012, Chinese press industry has stepped into a ‘cold winter’. Throughout 2014 alone, the total revenue of newspaper circulation experienced a substantial decrease of 25%, with advertising revenue simultaneously decreasing by 15% (Cui and He, 2015). Several scholars suggested that vulnerable profit-making pattern, global economic recession and the decelerating growth rate of the domestic economy were the key factors for the predicament that Chinese press industry is experiencing (Zhao, 2015). However, the industry tends to ascribe the dramatic revenue decline to the prosperity of new media (cf. Cao, 2010; Zhou, 2015).
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