Specifically, information released in new media outlets emphasise timeliness. The irreconcilable conflict between such requirement and the principle of accuracy in news reportage concerns many journalists. In China, the common rule of thumb in terms of news production is that ‘the writer is responsible for the consequences of this article’. Journalists are obliged to take full responsibility for all issues engendered by the news under their name. The risk of ‘more mistakes with more releases’ is a shadow that follows news production as a by-product of the censorship system. Thus, the journalists in Fujian’s press groups disregard the new system of censorship as a ‘buffer’ that could protect them from various risks, particularly political ones. When journalists believe that the risk they may undertake outweighs the financial return they will attain, they choose not to cooperate.
Wénlín ABC EDOC shì zài ABC gǔdài Hànyǔ cíyuán cídiǎn de jīchǔ shàng biānxiě, gāi cídiǎn shì Xiàwēiyí Dàxué Chūbǎnshè rè pěng de ABC Xìliè zhīyī; tā háishi dì-yī kuǎn kě sōusuǒ gǔdài Hànyǔ zìyuán de diànzǐ cídiǎn, qí zhòngdiǎn zàiyú yǔyīn hé Zhōnghuá wénhuà gēnyuán de hányì. Jīngguò jīngxīn shèjì, shìyòng yú fēi zhuānyè rényuán hé zhuānyè rénshì, zhè bù cídiǎn fēicháng yìyú shǐyòng, nèiróng yǐ zìmǔ shùnxù biānpái, yōngyǒu zhòngduō chuàngxīn de císhū gōngnéng. Měi ge cítiáo tígōng yī ge huò duō ge kěnéng de cíyuán, fēnjiě fāyīn hé qítā xiāngguān shùjù. Cídiǎn jiāng cífǎ shàng yǒu guānlián de cízǔ héwéi “cí xì”, yǐbiàn gèng qīngxī de chǎnshì yǔ zhī guānlián de pàishēngcí hé qítā cíyuán biànhuà. Wénlín ABC EDOC cídiǎn diànzǐ bǎn nèihán yī piān jùyǒu zhòngyào yìyì de zuòzhě xù, jièshàole zuòzhě duì Hànyǔ zài Yàzhōu de yǔyánxué dìwèi kànfǎ, xiángshùle Hànyǔ yǔyán jíqí yuánxíng zuìchū de yǔyīn hé cífǎ shǔxìng.
Though holding relatively positive attitude towards new media as revealed in the survey, local journalists in Fujian’s press groups did not embrace the convergence with new media enthusiastically. The main change brought about with the convergence, after the establishment of the new media centre and the reconstruction of the news production workflow within Fujian’s press groups, is the journalists being currently expected to feed news to the centre so that the gap of contents for the new media outlets will be filled. During the interviews, directors, editors and journalists unanimously agreed that media convergence enhanced the requirements for timeliness and accuracy of news production as well as increased the intensity of journalists’ workload, but failed to radically alter the methods of selecting and writing news, thereby bearing no significant influence on journalists. A few journalists indicated their willingness to commit immediately to the convergence of news production; however, other journalists refused to cooperate with the new media centre.
47 On 10 and 12 April, media briefings with Foreign Ministry spokesman Qin Gang were convened. See http://www.fmprc.gov.cn, accessed 31 May 2007. For reports see Beijing Youth Daily, 13 April 2008, Jinghua shibao, 13 April 2005, China Daily, 13 April 2005. Similar announcements by the spokesperson of the Public Security Bureau followed. See People's Daily and Beijing Youth Daily, 22 April 2005.
Nevertheless, the resistance from journalists makes no difference to the convergence path of China’s local press industry. The tendency for senior journalists to be more devoted to converging news production compared with junior ones and the tendency for journalists from party organs to show a higher positivity towards contributing compared with those from metropolis newspapers both highlight the impact of institutional and organisational factors on the journalists’ intention and behaviour in collaboration.
Jenkins (2004) stressed that media convergence should be viewed as a ‘culture’ because it changed the relationship among technology, industry, market, product type and audience. By scrutinising the relationship between media institution and practitioners, the culture-oriented approach can facilitate the re-examination of the interaction mechanism between the institutional arrangement of media convergence and the logic of actors, as well as reconsideration of the social structure on a microscopic scale, thereby narrowing the gap between the media economics and media performance approaches.
Wénlín 4.2 fābù de tóngshí, gōngsī wǎngzhàn de zhěngtǐ chóngxīn shèjì yě jiēzhǒng'érlái, xīn wǎngzhàn bāohán le Hànyǔ Pīnyīn, jiǎntǐ, fántǐ xíngshì de fānyì. Wénlín 4.2 Bǎn kě zài wǎngshàng (wenlinshangdian.com) shēngjí, shēngjí fèiyòng jǐn shí Měiyuán, yòngyú zhīchí chǎnpǐn kāifā. Wénlín zuìjìn fābù de Yuēhàn Luósēnnuò biānjí de “Hàn-Yīng Yànyǔ Cídiǎn” ruǎnjiàn de fùfèi yònghùmen: Hànyǔ Yànyǔ ABC Cídiǎn (Hàn-Yīngyǔ Cídiǎn), yě kě zài wǎngshàng yǐ 19.99 Měiyuán gòumǎi, hái jiāng miǎnfèi huòdé Wénlín 4.2 shēngjíbǎn.
Lā Qiáolā (La Jolla), Jiālìfúníyàzhōu -- Wénlín Yánjiūsuǒ, Zhōngwén Xuéxí Ruǎnjiàn Wénlín hé CDL zìtǐ jìshù kāifāshāng, xuānbù tuīchū ABC Hàn-Yīng Yànyǔ Cídiǎn de ruǎnjiàn bǎnběn, yóu Yuēhàn Luósēnnuò (John S. Rohsenow) biānjí. Xiàndài Yǔyán qīkān duì Luósēnnuò (Rohsenow) cídiǎn de píngjià shì “dàigěi rén yúkuài tǐyàn, yìyú shǐyòng ... wèi pǔtōng Yīngyǔ dúzhě kāiqǐ le Zhōngguó mínjiān zhìhuì de bǎokù... duì rènhé jíbié de yǔyán xuéshēng hé rènhé xūyào jīngpì géyán de rén dōu shì jí jù xīyǐnlì qiě shífēn shòuyì de.” (89, 2005). Yóu Wénlín Yánjiūsuǒ (zhǐzhìbǎn de biānzhìzhě) kāifā de xīnbǎn ruǎnjiàn wèi xuéxí yànyǔ zhè yī bǎoguì zīyuán zēngtiān le xīn de wéidù. Gāi ruǎnjiàn bǎnběn yīng yǔ Wénlín Hànyǔ Xuéxí Ruǎnjiàn 4.1 huò gèng gāo bǎnběn jiéhé shǐyòng. Yōngyǒu Wénlín qiángdà de ABC diànzǐ cídiǎn de quánbù jíhé, yìwèizhe jiǎntǐ hé fántǐ Zhōngwén de dúzhě kěyǐ shíshí fǎngwèn gèzhǒnggèyàng de cítiáo yǐ tànqiú Luósēnnuò jiàoshòu jīngliáng fānyì de wēimiào zhī chù, bìng lǐjiě Zhōngwén yànyǔ gēng shēnkè de hányì. Shìyòng yú suǒyǒu liúlǎnqì de bǎnběn zhèngzài jījí kāifā zhōng. Zhè yī xīn diànzǐbǎn de shòuzhòng wéi pǔtōng Yīngyǔ hé Hànyǔ dúzhě, yǐjí rénlèixué, yǔyánxué, wénxué, shèhuìxué, xīnlǐxué, lìshǐxué zài nèi de gèzhǒng lǐngyù de zhuānjiā. Xīnbǎn Wénlín 4.1 huò gèng gāo bǎnběn de ruǎnjiàn kě zài wǎngshàng www.wenlinshangdian.com yǐ 19.99 Měiyuán huòdé.
This decision means that the Chinese media must be dedicated to Party and government propaganda whilst earning profits and seeking for industry development. This institutional framework enabled the metropolis newspapers to emphasise the function of profitability that emerged in the mid-1990s. Differing from the party organs, the metropolis newspapers have consciously catered to the preferences of the audience in terms of content, including considerable emphasis on the timeliness, relevance and interesting aspects of the news, concentration on social and personal stories and a continuous increase in the proportion of entertainment and leisure contents. Zhao (1998: 159) opined that these measures are more about supplement than disobedience to the party organs, thereby extending the official ideology further to the social, personal and even mental domains.
An in-depth interview was thereafter conducted to provide an explanation for journalists’ attitude towards new media as well as to answer the research questions 2 and 3. A total of 12 respondents who left their contact information were recruited as interviewees. Given that media convergence is a process of integration among all newspaper offices within one press group, the recruitment of the interviewees was conducted with the press group unit rather than the single newspaper office. Apart from journalists, the leadership and editors of new media centres who had worked in the newspaper newsroom were also recruited as interviewees to obtain an improved understanding of the influences of media convergence on the press industry. The different degrees of experience in news gathering and editing of these directors and editors could be beneficial, particularly their insider’s viewpoint, which will compliment and support that of the journalists. From February to March 2016, the authors recruited eight directors or editors of new media centres for in-depth interviews through snowball sampling.
19 Media scholar Chen Lidan defines xuanchuan as “Using various symbols to communicate a certain concept in order to influence people's thought and their actions.” Chen, L., “Yong shishi shuo hua shi xuanchuan fangfa er bu shi xinwen xiezuo guilu” (“Using facts to write news is a propaganda method and not a rule to write news reports”), Renmin wang (People's Net) (2003).
Lāqiáolā (La Jolla), Jiālìfúníyà zhōu—Zhōngwén Xuéxí Ruǎnjiàn Wénlín hé CDL zìtǐ jìshù de kāifā shāng——Wénlín Yánjiūsuǒ xīn tuīchū de «Hàn-Yīng yànyǔ cídiǎn» ruǎnjiàn bǎn xiànyǐ zhīchí fántǐzì, cídiǎn yóu Yuēhàn Luōsēnnuò (John S. Rohsenow) biānjí. Xiàndài yǔyán qīkān duì Luōsēnnuò (Rohsenow) cídiǎn de píngjià shì “ dàigěi rén yúkuài tǐyàn, yìyú shǐyòng ... Wèi pǔtōng Yīngyǔ dúzhě kāiqǐle Zhōngguó mínjiān zhìhuì de bǎokù ... duì rènhé jíbié de yǔyán xuésheng hé rènhé xūyào jīngpì géyán de rén dōu shìjí jù xīyǐnlì qiě shífēn shòuyì de” (89, 2005). Yóu Wénlín Yánjiūsuǒ (zhǐ zhì bǎn de biānzhì zhě) kāifā de xīnbǎn ruǎnjiàn wèi xuéxí yànyǔ zhè yī bǎoguì zīyuán zēngtiānle xīn de wéidù. Gāi ruǎnjiàn bǎnběn yīng yǔ Wénlín Hànyǔ Xuéxí Ruǎnjiàn 4.1 huò gèng gāo bǎnběn jiéhé shǐyòng. Yōngyǒu Wénlín qiángdà de ABC Diànzǐ Cídiǎn de quánbù jíhé, yìwèizhe jiǎntǐ hé fántǐ Zhōngwén de dúzhě kěyǐ shíshí fǎngwèn gèzhǒnggèyàng de cítiáo yǐ tànqiú Luōsēnnuò jiàoshòu jīngliáng fānyì de wēimiào zhī chù, bìng lǐjiě Zhōngwén yànyǔ gèng shēnkè de hányì. Shìyòng yú suǒyǒu liúlǎnqì de bǎnběn zhèngzài jījí kāifā zhōng. Zhè yī xīn diànzǐ bǎn de shòuzhòng wèi pǔtōng Yīngyǔ hé Hànyǔ dúzhě, yǐjí rénlèixué, yǔyánxué, wénxué, shèhuìxué, xīnlǐxué, lìshǐxué zàinèi de gèzhǒng lǐngyù de zhuānjiā. Xīnbǎn Wénlín 4.2 huò gèng gāo bǎnběn de ruǎnjiàn kě fǎngwèn https://www.wenlinshangdian.com wǎngshang gòumǎi, shòujià wèi 19.99 Měiyuán. Zuìjìn yóu Xiàwēiyí Dàxué Chūbǎnshè chūbǎn de «ABC Hàn-Yīng Yànyǔ Cídiǎn» bāohánle yuē 4000 duō tiáo Hànyǔ yànyǔ, gēnjù Hànyǔ Pīnyīn zhuǎnlù hé Hànzì (biāozhǔn jiǎntǐ), ànzhào yànyǔ shǒucí (詞/词 cí) de zìmǔ shùnxù páiliè, fùdài de Yīngwén shūmiàn zhíyì (rú bìyào yě huì cǎiyòng yìyì). Qítā nèiróng bāohán: jiǎnyào yòngfǎ zhùshì, láiyuán, bìngxíng biǎodá, cānzhào yǐnyòng yǐjí yìngyòng shílì. Chúle yànyǔ zhīwài, zìdiǎn hái dàiyǒu guānjiàncí suǒyǐn (Zhōng-Yīngwén), bāokuò suǒyǒu shèjí de cítiáo hé huàtí. Biānzhě duì zhèxiē yànyǔ zài chuántǒng yǔ dāngdài Zhōngguó shèhuì zhòngdì dìngyì, jiégòu, yòngtú hé lìshǐ jìnxíngle xuéshù jièshào, lièchūle wénxiàn jí hé xiāngguān yànyǔ de xuéshù yánjiū.
65 The coefficient of the interaction term was not statistically significant because of the small n of the treatment group. This indicates that we cannot be 95% certain that we would retrieve similar results over repeated samples. However, the dynamics are similar when comparing Beijingers' use of the internet and newspapers, thus further providing evidence that “new” media are more effective than “old” media in appeasing citizens. See Stockmann, “What kind of information does the public demand?”
The effects of the dominant path of media convergence on the mid-size press industry are the focus of this study. The path chosen by the press industry in other regions of China may differ from the dominant one in Fujian due to the nuances of power structure, level of economic development, size of press group and other factors. For example, the Nanfang Media Group’s choice of the fully transformed path has a bearing on its pioneering spirit and remarkable investment, which are derived from its distance from the centre of political power, the prosperity of the market economy in Guangdong and the surrounding areas, and the considerable assets from accumulation within the media group in the past decades (Yin and Liu, 2013). Nevertheless, Fujian’s case discloses the common challenges that the Chinese press industry will face as they further advance the convergence regardless of which path they choose. This study also develops an analytical framework based on the interplay amongst the state, media and journalists to be used in future research on China’s media convergence.
Say (there is) a fire disaster, which is often reported as an explosion. We often rush to fire disasters, chatting and interviewing with firemen on the site, (to know) there are lots of detonations in fire disasters. Even if not all detonations correspond to explosion, people who have not experienced the scene would likely label the sound ‘Bang’ as explosion before recording in Weibo the ‘explosion’ of fire somewhere… (Journalists) have discrimination, which is something lacked by ordinaries. (Interviewee No. 2)
The article’s hook is the story of a woman who stomped a cat to death with a high-heeled shoe and anonymously uploaded a video to the Internet. When it spread to the forums on Mop.com, the Human Flesh Search Engine kicked into gear as people were outraged by the video, and within days, a combination of detective work, crowdsourcing, and media attention allowed them to track down and identify the woman and exact their wrath on her:
In the early 1990s, Chinese press industry strategically expanded policy limits by using the tension between the state and capitals (Akhavan-Majid, 2004). For example, the operation management strategy through structural ‘zoning’ (Pan, 2000) and the content strategy pursuing newsworthiness to the maximum within the permissible policy scope (Zhao, 1996). Thus, newspapers that transform from ‘Party Mouthpiece’ to ‘Party Publicity Inc.’ (Lee et al., 2006) gained substantial rewards from the market whilst performing their propaganda function.