The case study of Fujian indicates that what lies beneath the persistent tension between newspaper offices and new media departments is substantively a conflict of economic interest that results from the competitive relationship amongst various media outlets within the local press group since the period of media conglomeration. Adjusting the administrative structure cannot reduce this tension as long as the economic logic is not thoroughly challenged.
67 The side with higher audience costs is less likely to back down in a foreign crisis and therefore able to signal its intentions to other states more credibly than states with lower audience costs. Fearon, J.D., “Domestic political audiences and the escalation of international disputes,” American Political Science Review, Vol. 88, No. 3 (1994), pp. 577–92. Weiss, “Powerful patriots: nationalism, diplomacy and the strategic logic of anti-foreign protest.”
La Jolla, Jiāzhōu — Wénlín Yánjiūsuǒ SPC yǒuxiàn gōngsī xuānbù Axel Schuessler bóshì de «Gǔdài Hànyǔ Zìyuán Zìdiǎn ‧ Wénlín Diànzǐ Bǎn» (ABC Etymological Dictionary of Old Chinese, Wenlin ABC EDOC), jí Wénlín Hànyǔ Xuéxí Ruǎnjiàn 4.3.2 Wánzhěngbǎn (Wénlín Wánzhěngbǎn) de zìdiǎn chājiàn xiànyǐ fābù. Wénlín ABC EDOC chājiàn wánquán jíchéngle Wénlín ABC Cídiǎn, shòujià wéi $59, zài 2016 nián 10 yuè 1 rìqián gòumǎi jǐn xū $29. Zài Wénlín ABC EDOC zìdiǎn chājiàn fābù qiánbùjiǔ, wǒmen hái fābùle Wénlín ABC HDC, zhè shì yī kuǎn àn zìmǔ shùnxù suọ̌yǐn de «Hànyǔ Dà Cídiǎn» ruǎnjiàn bǎn, yóu Victor H. Mair (biānjí) biānzuǎn. Wénlín 4.3.1 bǎn de yònghù kě miǎnfèi shēngjí zhì 4.3.2 bǎn.
Dirigido a blogueros, personas influyentes, funcionarios de relaciones públicas, personalised de marketing, aspirantes a periodistas o cualquier persona que quiera aprender más sobre el oficio de la escritura, el curso enseña las habilidades básicas de la escritura profesional: la introducción, la pirámide invertida, las 5 W, las 3 C y, lo más importante de todo, la narración de cuentos.
In September 1992, the Fifth Plenary Session of the 14th Central Committee recommended that the main direction in future adjustments of the industrial structure should be to ‘actively promote the tertiary industry’. In 1993, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and the State Council officially included the media industry in the tertiary industry in the Decisions on Accelerating Development in the Tertiary Industry, while maintaining this industry’s attributes as a propaganda and administrative institution.
Two alternative paths are presently available for the local press industry to thoroughly address the issue of content for new media outlets. The first path is to remove the administrative hierarchy between metropolis newspapers and party organs, with the new media centre providing news to both newspapers and new media outlets for further editing. In this case, the new media outlets are not incorporated into the new media centre but remain at the same administrative level as the traditional media departments. Hence, the vertical communication between the new media centre and various new media outlets increases, yet the horizontal interaction between newspapers and new media outlets dramatically reduces. The second path is to insulate the newspapers from converging news production, with the centre producing content independently for new media outlets.
For Western journalism researchers, media convergence generally refers to the ‘cooperation and collaboration between formerly distinct media newsrooms and other parts of the modern media company’ (Deuze, 2004: 140). Chinese scholars were considerably inclined to use the phrase ‘full-media’ (Quan Meiti) to describe the convergence process. Full-media, which is a term coined by Chinese media practitioners, implies a figure of oriental holism under the perspective of Chinese traditional philosophy (Ji et al., 2013). Mai (2012: 41) employed observation and in-depth interviews and defined full-media convergence as ‘a mode of structural integration of news production, dissemination and business operation on the platforms of new communication technology’.
In the past when our Weibo and WeChat accounts were not taken over (by the new media centre of Xiamen Daily)… Journalists running to the spot would make an instant call to our editors, saying how a piece was on WeChat… Nowadays, the journalists no longer have such enthusiasm… Anyway, whatever the achievement is, they are not ours. (Interviewee No. 8)
The survey (see Table 2) indicates that from the viewpoint of local journalists in Fujian, new media has generally expanded the sources of news and facilitated contact with news-related groups. However, new media has also raised considerably high requirements for journalists’ expertise and spawned fierce peer competitions. Moreover, the respondents relatively agreed with the influences of new media in terms of enhancing journalists’ knowledge about the audience, although they disagreed with the belief that new media has marginalised news gathering and editing. The respondents took relatively positive attitudes towards the overall influences of new media on news production.
B. Wang Lilin. “Xuzhou Han huaxiangshi yanjiuzhong gongren xianxiang de zai renshi” (A Reconsideration of Generally Acknowledged Phenomena in the Study of Han Stone Pictorial Reliefs at Xuzhou) in Xuzhou bowuguan sanshinian jinian wenji (30th Anniversary Commemorative Edition of Collected Works of The Xuzhou Museum). (Beijing: Yanshan chubanshe, 1992), 166.
* This article is part of a book project examining the impact of media commercialization on news content and public opinion in China, tentatively titled Propaganda for Sale. For fruitful research collaboration I would like to thank Iain Johnston, Shen Mingming and the members of the Research Center for Contemporary China. I am also grateful for financial support provided by the Harvard-Yenching Institute and the Center for Chinese Studies at the University of Michigan. Many thanks as well to the participants of the Chinese politics workshop at the University of Wisconsin, Madison for helpful comments and to Wang Mingde for research assistance.
Over the past two decades, China’s media convergence has undergone three stages (Li, 2017; Yu, 2015). Stage I lasted from the mid-1990s to the late 1990s, during which the content of traditional media was transplanted onto the new media platform. Stage II began in the early years of the 21st century, during which traditional media co-produced content with new media. Stage III started in 2006 and continues to the present, during which traditional media collaborated with new media in many aspects. All the stages of media convergence concur with the conglomeration and capitalisation of Chinese media industries. China’s media reform has constituted the basic context of domestic media convergence. For the past 40 years, the main drive of China’s media reform is the state. Each critical time point of media reform cannot proceed without the propulsion of the national policy from top to bottom.
After 2008, ‘full-media’ became a keyword with which scholars discussed China’s press industry. Studies that focus on the effects of full-media are categorised into two approaches: media economics and media performance approaches. The media economics approach generalises the experience and lessons of convergence practices and evaluates the influence of media convergence on newspaper development mostly from a business operation perspective by adopting case studies combined with the personal observation of researchers (cf. Tang and Cao, 2015; Yang, 2013). By contrast, the media performance approach analyses the method of content delivery on the new media platforms of newspapers as well as predicts (through content analysis) the influence of convergence on the progress of society’s democratisation from the media ethics perspective (cf. Huang, 2013; Cai, 2011).
The effects of the dominant path of media convergence on the mid-size press industry are the focus of this study. The path chosen by the press industry in other regions of China may differ from the dominant one in Fujian due to the nuances of power structure, level of economic development, size of press group and other factors. For example, the Nanfang Media Group’s choice of the fully transformed path has a bearing on its pioneering spirit and remarkable investment, which are derived from its distance from the centre of political power, the prosperity of the market economy in Guangdong and the surrounding areas, and the considerable assets from accumulation within the media group in the past decades (Yin and Liu, 2013). Nevertheless, Fujian’s case discloses the common challenges that the Chinese press industry will face as they further advance the convergence regardless of which path they choose. This study also develops an analytical framework based on the interplay amongst the state, media and journalists to be used in future research on China’s media convergence.
61 After 9 April those Beijingers with the most negative views of Japan avoided newspapers. See D. Stockmann, “What kind of information does the public demand? Getting the news during the 2005 anti-Japanese protests,” in S. Shirk (ed.), Changing Media, Changing China, forthcoming. Since non-readers were excluded from the statistical analysis, avoidance did not influence the empirical results presented here.
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Such a characteristic of we-media has further squeezed the price bidding space of the new media of Fujian press industry in the area of content in local journalists’ eyes. What is worse, the procedure of three-phase censorship that deviates from the logic of new media is not strictly followed during the course of converging news production. Delays in the course of censorship have not only impaired the market competitiveness of the new media in terms of content, but also considerably reduced the willingness of journalists to collaborate with the new media centre.
Simply speaking, media convergence is the process of integrating new media into the system of traditional media. Thus, journalists’ attitude towards the new media constitutes the foundation for better understanding of journalists’ attitude towards the convergence between traditional media and new media. Moreover, media convergence carries a prognosis that news production will move further to the direction towards timeliness, interactivity and use-centredness. Given that the newsroom routine adjusts rapidly, particularly as the audience increasingly engages in news production and professional boundaries blur further, the following questions need to be answered: Will the viewpoint of journalists towards new media become considerably negative? How will this attitude affect their perception of the convergence process between new media and traditional media?
Zhou, BH (2014) Chinese journalists’ social media usage and its influential factors: A survey on young journalists in Shanghai (Zhongguo xinwen congyezhe de shejiao meiti yunyong jiqi yingxiang yinsu: Yi xiang zhendui shanghai qingnian xinwen congyezhe de diaocha yanjiu). Journal of Journalism and Communication (Xinwen yu chuanbo yanjiu) 120(12): 34–53.
The official statement of the objective of Chinese media convergence lies in coping with the impacts generated by the information technology revolution. Among those impacts, the decline of tax revenue from media industries is one catalyst for Chinese press industry playing the role of precursor of media convergence. In early 2008, the press industry experienced a phase of decline. Until 2015, China’s television industry firstly took on a gliding tendency in the totality of media placement of advertising, with the advertising revenue of the radio industry deemed stable (Cui, 2016: 6–8). The decline of circulation and advertising revenues is often attributed to the effects of new media such as the change in habits of media exposure. Compared with the radio and television industries, the press industry faces more severe challenges from new media. Thus, the press industry has substantially intense impetus to converge with new media.
Zuìjìn yóu Xiàwēiyí Dàxué Chūbǎnshè chūbǎn de “ABC Hàn-Yīng Yànyǔ Cídiǎn” bāohán le yuē 4000 duō tiáo Hànyǔ yànyǔ, gēnjù Hànyǔ Pīnyīn zhuǎnlù hé Hànzì (biāozhǔn jiǎntǐ), ànzhào yànyǔ shǒu cí de zìmǔ shùnxù páiliè, fùdài de Yīngwén shūmiàn zhíyì (rú bìyào yě huì cǎiyòng yìyì). Qítā nèiróng bāohán: jiǎnyào yòngfǎ zhùshì, láiyuán, bìngxíng biǎodá, cānzhào yǐnyòng yǐjí yìngyòng shílì. Yànyǔ shì yóu yī ge guānjiàncí (Zhōng-Yīngwén) suǒyǐn zēngbǔ de, tǐxiàn zài suǒyǒu shèjí de cítiáo hé huàtí li. Biānzhě duì zhèxiē yànyǔ zài chuántǒng yǔ dāngdài Zhōngguó li de dìngyì, jiégòu, yòngtú hé lìshǐ jìnxíng le xuéshù jièshào, lièchū le wénxiàn jí hé xiāngguān yànyǔ de xuéshù yánjiū.
Wénlín 4.2 fābù de tóngshí, gōngsī wǎngzhàn de zhěngtǐ chóngxīn shèjì yě jiēzhǒng'érlái, xīn wǎngzhàn bāohán le Hànyǔ Pīnyīn, jiǎntǐ, fántǐ xíngshì de fānyì. Wénlín 4.2 Bǎn kě zài wǎngshàng (wenlinshangdian.com) shēngjí, shēngjí fèiyòng jǐn shí Měiyuán, yòngyú zhīchí chǎnpǐn kāifā. Wénlín zuìjìn fābù de Yuēhàn Luósēnnuò biānjí de “Hàn-Yīng Yànyǔ Cídiǎn” ruǎnjiàn de fùfèi yònghùmen: Hànyǔ Yànyǔ ABC Cídiǎn (Hàn-Yīngyǔ Cídiǎn), yě kě zài wǎngshàng yǐ 19.99 Měiyuán gòumǎi, hái jiāng miǎnfèi huòdé Wénlín 4.2 shēngjíbǎn.
This decision means that the Chinese media must be dedicated to Party and government propaganda whilst earning profits and seeking for industry development. This institutional framework enabled the metropolis newspapers to emphasise the function of profitability that emerged in the mid-1990s. Differing from the party organs, the metropolis newspapers have consciously catered to the preferences of the audience in terms of content, including considerable emphasis on the timeliness, relevance and interesting aspects of the news, concentration on social and personal stories and a continuous increase in the proportion of entertainment and leisure contents. Zhao (1998: 159) opined that these measures are more about supplement than disobedience to the party organs, thereby extending the official ideology further to the social, personal and even mental domains.
Last year or the year before, I went to the trial over a deputy mayor in Fuzhou. Only another journalist and I went to the whole course of the first trial. He (a newspaper department supervisor) demanded strictly at that time that the number of online figures could not exceed 500. Plus, the next day he scolded (another journalist) in a loud voice, ‘It’s too foolish of you to have (only) offered them the lead of the foregoing news. You should have cut out a bit from each paragraph. You giving these 500 figures to others, who would read the newspaper?’ (Interviewee No. 14)