Lā Qiáolā (La Jolla), Jiālìfúníyàzhōu -- Wénlín Yánjiūsuǒ, Zhōngwén Xuéxí Ruǎnjiàn Wénlín hé CDL zìtǐ jìshù kāifāshāng, xuānbù tuīchū ABC Hàn-Yīng Yànyǔ Cídiǎn de ruǎnjiàn bǎnběn, yóu Yuēhàn Luósēnnuò (John S. Rohsenow) biānjí. Xiàndài Yǔyán qīkān duì Luósēnnuò (Rohsenow) cídiǎn de píngjià shì “dàigěi rén yúkuài tǐyàn, yìyú shǐyòng ... wèi pǔtōng Yīngyǔ dúzhě kāiqǐ le Zhōngguó mínjiān zhìhuì de bǎokù... duì rènhé jíbié de yǔyán xuéshēng hé rènhé xūyào jīngpì géyán de rén dōu shì jí jù xīyǐnlì qiě shífēn shòuyì de.” (89, 2005). Yóu Wénlín Yánjiūsuǒ (zhǐzhìbǎn de biānzhìzhě) kāifā de xīnbǎn ruǎnjiàn wèi xuéxí yànyǔ zhè yī bǎoguì zīyuán zēngtiān le xīn de wéidù. Gāi ruǎnjiàn bǎnběn yīng yǔ Wénlín Hànyǔ Xuéxí Ruǎnjiàn 4.1 huò gèng gāo bǎnběn jiéhé shǐyòng. Yōngyǒu Wénlín qiángdà de ABC diànzǐ cídiǎn de quánbù jíhé, yìwèizhe jiǎntǐ hé fántǐ Zhōngwén de dúzhě kěyǐ shíshí fǎngwèn gèzhǒnggèyàng de cítiáo yǐ tànqiú Luósēnnuò jiàoshòu jīngliáng fānyì de wēimiào zhī chù, bìng lǐjiě Zhōngwén yànyǔ gēng shēnkè de hányì. Shìyòng yú suǒyǒu liúlǎnqì de bǎnběn zhèngzài jījí kāifā zhōng. Zhè yī xīn diànzǐbǎn de shòuzhòng wéi pǔtōng Yīngyǔ hé Hànyǔ dúzhě, yǐjí rénlèixué, yǔyánxué, wénxué, shèhuìxué, xīnlǐxué, lìshǐxué zài nèi de gèzhǒng lǐngyù de zhuānjiā. Xīnbǎn Wénlín 4.1 huò gèng gāo bǎnběn de ruǎnjiàn kě zài wǎngshàng www.wenlinshangdian.com yǐ 19.99 Měiyuán huòdé.
Debates on the social influence of information technology have constantly been conducted around the ‘technology and democracy’ theme. The introduction of information technology, particularly the Internet, was once lauded with immense optimism and was thought to provide journalists with substantial latitude of free speech. Unfortunately, the media convergence of the Fujian press industry clearly demonstrates that the tensions between politics and technology fail to generate significant journalistic freedom in the Chinese local press industry. In fact, the logic of technology has been incorporated into the political logic such that new media outlets have assimilated the structure and routines of traditional media. This tendency is not unique to the dominant path of media convergence but prevails in every local press industry that is in pursuit of converging news production. Accordingly, the effects of such development on the ecology of China’s journalism must be further explored.

The sense of crisis brought about by intense competition would permeate throughout the ranks of journalists from top to bottom. For the latter, competition with peers are normal in the condition of having multiple newspapers in the same city. However, previous rivalries were fair contests between ‘professional journalists’, whereas present struggles involve unfair competition with ‘vulgar non-professionals’.
The sense of crisis brought about by intense competition would permeate throughout the ranks of journalists from top to bottom. For the latter, competition with peers are normal in the condition of having multiple newspapers in the same city. However, previous rivalries were fair contests between ‘professional journalists’, whereas present struggles involve unfair competition with ‘vulgar non-professionals’.
The first phase of China’s media reform, that is, the marketisation of Chinese media, began when the State Administration of Publication on the National Press Managers’ Conference officially announced in December 1978 the decision to pursue the business operation of newspapers. Accordingly, a media system with Chinese characteristics, that is, the ‘enterprise management of institutions’, was established. In 1983, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China promulgated Document No. 37 to encourage business operation within media organisations.
As national policy is further loosened, the Chinese media have begun exploring diversified modes of business operation. In 1996, the Guangzhou Daily Newspaper Group announced its foundation, thereby unfolding the prelude of conglomeration of Chinese media. However, the process of conglomeration accelerated significantly only during the turn of the millennium, which has also benefited from the promulgation of a series of polices.
Only six days after the first Mop post about the video, the kitten killer’s home was revealed as the town of Luobei in Heilongjiang Province, in the far northeast, and her name — Wang Jiao — was made public, as were her phone number and her employer. Wang Jiao and the cameraman who filmed her were dismissed from what the Chinese call iron rice bowls, government jobs that usually last to retirement and pay a pension until death.
The article’s hook is the story of a woman who stomped a cat to death with a high-heeled shoe and anonymously uploaded a video to the Internet. When it spread to the forums on Mop.com, the Human Flesh Search Engine kicked into gear as people were outraged by the video, and within days, a combination of detective work, crowdsourcing, and media attention allowed them to track down and identify the woman and exact their wrath on her:
The term ‘domestication’ originally refers to the process of bringing wild animals or plants under control and using them for food or as pets. In journalism research, ‘domestication’ generally refers to journalism practitioners establishing an association between a foreign news event and the domestic audience by applying certain strategies of representation (Gurevitch et al., 1991). In this study, ‘domestication’ describes the strong institutional inertia under which new media outlets have been progressively involved in the orbit of newspapers. Accordingly, this process homogenises the new media outlets with the system, routines and cultures of traditional media.
Lā Qiáolā (La Jolla), Jiālìfúníyàzhōu -- Wénlín Yánjiūsuǒ xuānbù Wénlín Hànyǔ Xuéxí Ruǎnjiàn 4.2 bǎn yǔ gōngsī wǎngzhàn (wenlin.com) tóngbù lóngzhòng tuīchū. Wénlín 4.2 de xīn gōngnéng bāokuò kuòzhǎn de zìdiǎn, cídiǎn, Yīng-Hàn, Shuōwén Jiězì (Zhōngguó gǔdài Hànyǔ zìdiǎn) Yǐjí Wénlín zhuānyòng de CDL zìtǐ (wenlin.com/cdl) de zhòngduō gǎijìn, zìtǐ mùqián yǒu chāoguò 96000 ge CDL miáoshù. Qítā zēngqiáng gōngnéng, bāokuò gǎijìn sōusuǒ wénjiàn gōngnéng de jièmiàn, zhòngyào de jièmiàn xīn gōngnéng, yǐjí yīxiē xīn de hé gǎijìnle de gāojí xuǎnxiàng. Duìyú Mac OS X (10.7 huò gèng gāo bǎnběn), zhěnggè yìngyòng chéngxù yǐjīng chóngjiàn wéi 64 wèi Cocoa yìngyòng chéngxù, zhīchí gāo fēnbiànlǜ de Retina gāoqīng xiǎnshìpíng.

To examine the effects of media convergence on news production, both survey and in-depth interview are adopted with the press industry of Fujian Province as the case of analysis. At present, four large-scale press groups exist in Fujian Province: Xiamen Daily Group, which owns three comprehensive daily newspapers (Xiamen Daily, Xiamen Evening News and Haixi Morning Post); Fujian Daily News Press, which owns three comprehensive daily newspapers (Fujian Daily, Strait News and Strait Herald); Fuzhou Daily Media Press, which owns two comprehensive daily newspapers (Fuzhou Daily and Fuzhou Evening News) and Quanzhou Evening News Press, which owns two comprehensive daily newspapers (Quanzhou Evening News and Southeast Morning Post). Overall, the size and influence of the Fujian press industry are ranked in the middle nationwide.
From a new perspective, this article proposes four principles in understanding and interpreting Han dynasty brick and stone pictorial reliefs. First, adopt a three-dimensional viewpoint to describe and interpret the motifs. Second, follow the order of “bottom to top and right to left” in viewing the pictorial presentations. Third, take a holistic approach in appreciation, examining the pictorial reliefs together with the architectures of the tombs, memorial arches and other monumental pieces. And fourth, develop a comprehensive method of investigation, situating the Han pictorial reliefs in the historical context, including social customs, philosophical ideas, intellectual culture, economic development and advances in architecture. In writing the article, the author has done a systematic analysis, using contemporary historical texts, archaeological findings and modern works.

The press groups in Fujian have adopted the extendedly ameliorated path of media convergence. Firstly, they hired a technology company to establish a platform for converging news production. Secondly, a new media centre was established. Thirdly, a group of editors from the press newsroom were transferred to the centre to handle the new media outlets, particularly the website, Weibo, Wechat and APP. Lastly, a process reconstruction of the news production was undertaken by uniformly importing information from multiple sources into the centre for processing and delivering to new media outlets.


Wénlín CDL JavaScript shǐyòng Wénlín Zìxíng Miáoshù Yǔyán (CDL) kāifā: CDL shì yī ge XML yìngyòng chéngxù, yī ge jīyú biāozhǔn de zìtǐ hé biānmǎ jìshù, yòngyú jīngquè, jǐncòu de miáoshù, xiǎnshì hé suǒyǐn suǒyǒu Hàn zìfú (Zhōng-Rì-Hán-Yuè=CJKV), bāokuò biānmǎ hé fēi biānmǎ zìfú. Wénlín CDL jìshù dǎpòle 64k zìxíng de zhàng'ài, bù chāoguò 1.4 zhàozìjié biànkě huòdé quántào Unicode 7 CJK zhīchí, tóngshí yěshì nèi zhìyú zìtǐ de jiějué fāng'àn, dúlìyú shǒuxiě shíbié. Wénlín CDL shì yī xiàng gémìngxìng de héxīn jīchǔ jiégòu jìshù, wèi shùjù jiégòu, shùjù cúnchǔ hé shùjù jiāohuàn tígōngle jiānrúpánshí de kuàngjià. Wenlin CDL jìshù kě wúxiàn kuòzhāng Unicode jí, nénggòu bǐ qítā jìshù gèng kuài, gèng zhǔnquè de dú qǔ, shūxiě bìng shíbié CJKV zìtǐ. Tā jiāng chéngwéi CJKV zìtǐ shūrù, suǒyǐn, shíbié hé shūchū de diǎnfàn. Wénlín CDL duì CJKV xùliè jìnxíng páixù. Yù liǎojiě Wénlín CDL jìshù de gèngduō xiángqíng, qǐng diǎnjī cǐchù.
47 On 10 and 12 April, media briefings with Foreign Ministry spokesman Qin Gang were convened. See http://www.fmprc.gov.cn, accessed 31 May 2007. For reports see Beijing Youth Daily, 13 April 2008, Jinghua shibao, 13 April 2005, China Daily, 13 April 2005. Similar announcements by the spokesperson of the Public Security Bureau followed. See People's Daily and Beijing Youth Daily, 22 April 2005.
The historical course of China’s media reform is coincidental with the intrinsic logic of the transformation in national political ideology from contradiction theory to economy-centric theory (Li and Hu, 2013). However, this situation does not mean that political determinism would suffice to explain the China’s media reform. The transformation towards media groups did not result in mere innovation in the size, structure and managerial ideal of the media industries but also the ‘self-consciousness’ of actively promoting economic gains and the tendency to transform capitalism, ownership and other concepts into the reasonable kernel of media reform (Li and Hu, 2013). These have transcended far beyond the scope of what ‘political correctness’ can explain.
In the early 1990s, Chinese press industry strategically expanded policy limits by using the tension between the state and capitals (Akhavan-Majid, 2004). For example, the operation management strategy through structural ‘zoning’ (Pan, 2000) and the content strategy pursuing newsworthiness to the maximum within the permissible policy scope (Zhao, 1996). Thus, newspapers that transform from ‘Party Mouthpiece’ to ‘Party Publicity Inc.’ (Lee et al., 2006) gained substantial rewards from the market whilst performing their propaganda function.
La Jolla, Jiāzhōu — Wénlín Yánjiūsuǒ yǒuxiàn gōngsī (SPC) zhèngshì fābù Wénlín Hànyǔ Xuéxí Ruǎnjiàn 4.3 háohuá bǎn (Wénlín Wánzhěngbǎn). Xīn fābù de 4.3 bạ̌nběn wánquán zhīchí wánzhěngbǎn Hànyǔ Dà Cídiǎn suọ̌yǐn, suọ̌yǐn jīngguò gēngzhèng, kuòchōng bìng àn zìmǔ shùnxù páiliè, zuòwéi fùjiā chéngxù kě yǔ Wénlín ABC cídiǎn wánměi rónghé, jǐn shòu 49 Měiyuán. Wénlín ABC HDC suọ̌yǐn ruǎnjiàn bǎn kě ràng yònghù qīngsōng chákàn HDC ruǎnjiàn zhōng dàiyǒu de 350, 000 ge duōyīnjié tiáomù. Wénlín ABC HDC kuòzhǎn chéngxù shì yī zhǒng xiānjìn de yánjiū gōngjù, gòng shōunàle chāoguò 568, 000 ge tiáomù. Tōngguò cānkǎo HDC tiáomù, nǐ kẹ̌yǐ gènghǎo de lị̌jiě hěn duō ABC dāncí (bụ̀lùn shì-fǒu chūxiàn zài HDC). Tóngyàng de, HDC hángàile xǔduō wèi shōulù zài ABC cídiǎn de tiáomù, dàn yǔ ABC cíkù jiéhé qǐlai huì gènghǎo lị̌jiě. ABC+HDC de cházhǎo gōngnéng jīngcháng huì dǎoxiàng xiāngguān xìnxī, wúlùn shì Wénlín zhíjiē lièchū de liànjiē huòshì tōngguò Wénlín xīn tuīchū de wǎngluò sōusuǒ gōngnéng. HDC suọ̌yǐn yǔ ABC Hànyǔ cídiǎn xìliè zhǔbiān Méi Wéihéng (Victor H. Mair) jiàoshòu, (láizì Bīnxīfǎníyà dàxué), xiě dào︰ "Kàndào Wénlín fābùle yǐ dānxiàng páixù zìmǔ suọ̌yǐn wánzhěngbǎn «Hànyǔ Dà Cídiǎn» de diànzǐ bǎn, wǒ fēicháng gāoxìng. Zhè duì chīmí Hànyǔ yánjiū de měi yī gèrén lái shuō quèshí shì yī ge fúyīn".

The convergence of the Chinese press industry is thus not merely driven by the effects of market and technological logic from the beginning, unlike in Europe and the US. Actually, administrative fiat plays a pivotal role in each stage of media convergence. In the mid- and late-1990s, the ‘touch the Internet’ (Chuwang) action of traditional news media, namely to establish online newspapers, has expanded from the top to the bottom ‘with the state as the sponsor’ and ‘national media as the leader’ (Yu, 2015). Similarly, the establishment of the collaborative relationship between newspapers and new media on news production at the beginning of the 21st century could not be realised without the intervention of administrative power, including approval for the construction of major news websites to produce original contents. The wave of media convergence that began in 2006 is also inseparable from the official ‘top-down design’. In the beginning, the General Administration of Press and Publication was concurrently the project sponsor and supervisor. Thereafter, the media convergence of the central and local press industry has been highly dependent on financial funding from the government.

In 2006, the General Administration of Press and Publication of China began enforcing the first batch of the ‘China Digital Newspaper Laboratory Programs’, in which 18 national and local press groups were involved in officially unfolding the prelude of the ‘full-media convergence’, namely an intensive integration of new media into the system of traditional press. Since 2012, Chinese press industry has stepped into a ‘cold winter’. Throughout 2014 alone, the total revenue of newspaper circulation experienced a substantial decrease of 25%, with advertising revenue simultaneously decreasing by 15% (Cui and He, 2015). Several scholars suggested that vulnerable profit-making pattern, global economic recession and the decelerating growth rate of the domestic economy were the key factors for the predicament that Chinese press industry is experiencing (Zhao, 2015). However, the industry tends to ascribe the dramatic revenue decline to the prosperity of new media (cf. Cao, 2010; Zhou, 2015).
Accordingly, the following questions must be answered in the context where the tension between newspapers and new media departments seems persistent: What will be the destiny of metropolis newspapers if they deviate from converging news production? Will other types of newspapers, due to their loss of market competitive edge to new media outlets, shift to the role of ‘Party Mouthpiece’ that has previously been performed by the party organs? Evidently, these questions can be explored in future research.
Such a characteristic of we-media has further squeezed the price bidding space of the new media of Fujian press industry in the area of content in local journalists’ eyes. What is worse, the procedure of three-phase censorship that deviates from the logic of new media is not strictly followed during the course of converging news production. Delays in the course of censorship have not only impaired the market competitiveness of the new media in terms of content, but also considerably reduced the willingness of journalists to collaborate with the new media centre.
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