The last two sections show some potential changes in the dominant path of media convergence adopted by the local press industry. Existing studies indicate that institutional and organisational factors considerably influence the journalists’ perception of their professional roles (Tao and Zhang, 2014; Wu et al., 1996; Zhang and Wu, 2016). Long-term attention is equally worthwhile with regard to whether the future structural adjustment of the local press industry in the area of media convergence will change the journalists’ identification of their roles.
The last two sections show some potential changes in the dominant path of media convergence adopted by the local press industry. Existing studies indicate that institutional and organisational factors considerably influence the journalists’ perception of their professional roles (Tao and Zhang, 2014; Wu et al., 1996; Zhang and Wu, 2016). Long-term attention is equally worthwhile with regard to whether the future structural adjustment of the local press industry in the area of media convergence will change the journalists’ identification of their roles.
Before and after 2009, all major press groups in Fujian started to establish e-newspapers and transfer the newspaper contents to their official news websites to cope with the loss of readers as a result of the prevalence of computer technology as well as to maintain and expand the influence of traditional media. The popularity of Weibo and WeChat emerged between 2011 and 2012, thereby prompting the local press groups in Fujian to try out both platforms. During this period, newspapers were the pillar of the press groups’ revenue. Within most press groups in Fujian, Weibo and WeChat remained under the operation of newspaper editors and journalists on a part-time basis and received limited emphasis from the leadership.
To examine the effects of media convergence on news production, both survey and in-depth interview are adopted with the press industry of Fujian Province as the case of analysis. At present, four large-scale press groups exist in Fujian Province: Xiamen Daily Group, which owns three comprehensive daily newspapers (Xiamen Daily, Xiamen Evening News and Haixi Morning Post); Fujian Daily News Press, which owns three comprehensive daily newspapers (Fujian Daily, Strait News and Strait Herald); Fuzhou Daily Media Press, which owns two comprehensive daily newspapers (Fuzhou Daily and Fuzhou Evening News) and Quanzhou Evening News Press, which owns two comprehensive daily newspapers (Quanzhou Evening News and Southeast Morning Post). Overall, the size and influence of the Fujian press industry are ranked in the middle nationwide.
The survey (see Table 2) indicates that from the viewpoint of local journalists in Fujian, new media has generally expanded the sources of news and facilitated contact with news-related groups. However, new media has also raised considerably high requirements for journalists’ expertise and spawned fierce peer competitions. Moreover, the respondents relatively agreed with the influences of new media in terms of enhancing journalists’ knowledge about the audience, although they disagreed with the belief that new media has marginalised news gathering and editing. The respondents took relatively positive attitudes towards the overall influences of new media on news production.
By the end of 2012, the circulation and advertising revenues of the Fujian press industry declined substantially, indicating its entry into a ‘cold winter’. Secretary-General Xi Jinping delivered the ‘8•19’ speech in 2014. Subsequently, Fujian’s press groups began to receive local fiscal support, actually ‘reaching a consensus’ and advancing media convergence. In 2014 alone, the Xiamen Daily Group gained substantial support from the municipal government, thereby pioneering the establishment of a ‘central control platform of converged media’ and a new media centre, which has been followed by several other press groups in Fujian.
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The definition of full-media convergence is similar to that of media convergence that was developed in light of current practices in Europe and the US. However, as Menke et al. (2016) argued in their comparative study of European convergence journalism, the processes of convergence depend on national and cultural factors, thereby resulting in different convergence practices within specific newsrooms. To gain an improved understanding of the current convergence in China, the factors that make China’s case substantially different from Europe and the US must be considered.
In addition, technology is equally a vital impetus for China’s media reform. Since the reform and opening-up, the popularisation of satellite technology, the Internet, mobile Internet and other technologies have changed the microscopic form, industrial structure, business model and operational mentality of Chinese media as well as accelerated the progress of media reform (Xiong et al., 2010).
Both viewpoints have consistent cores, that is, the adherence to the principle that ‘content shall dominate’, which underscores the importance of content resources in maintaining and promoting the influential power of newspapers and in assisting newspapers to step out of the ‘cold winter’. This situation further evokes the hesitation of and the resistance from the journalists of the Fujian press industry as they maintain their professional dignity with effort.
As part of a political project to seize ‘the commanding heights’ of information dissemination, namely to strengthen the traditional press’s influence in shaping public opinion, practices of media convergence within Fujian’s press groups are substantively compliant with the ‘top-down design’ that is aimed to effectively circumvent political risks and maximise fiscal investment and market return. To bypass the political minefield and manage other risks that the new media centre may encounter whilst promoting convergence, Fujian’s press groups built a three-phase censorship system of ‘editor–new media centre director–press leadership’, among many other measures. Rigorous controls over convergence risks have enabled the Fujian press industry to gain the anticipated policy bonus. For example, the new media centre, for which the Xiamen Daily Group invested over one million Yuan, significantly affected municipal leaders, thereby earning over 20 million Yuan of financial subsidies for the centre in 2015.
Wénlín yì wéi “qúnyīng huì” yǔ gōngsī míng xiāngtóng de shì, Wénlín Yánjiūsuǒ de chéngxùyuán dàitóurén dōu shì shēnjiān Hànyǔ yǔyánxuéjiā hé jìsuànjī kēxué gōngchéngshī liǎng zhǒng shēnfèn. Guānchá děngshì liǎngbiān, zhè ràng Wénlín Yánjiūsuǒ de chuàngshǐrén hé zǒngcái Tuōmǎsī E. Bìxiǎopǔ (Thomas E. Bishop) chóngxīn fāxiàn le Hànyǔ shénmì de 36 bǐ “zìmǔ”, jìn'ér yīláoyǒngyì de jiějué le Unicode “quēzì” de wèntí. Zhèxiē chuántǒng jiǎoběn yuánsù yīzhí yǐlái dōu bèi ruǎnjiàn kāifāzhě suǒ hūshì. “CDL yīzhí shì Wénlín de yī bùfèn, dàn wǒmen wèi fāxiàn qiánzài yǔyán, zhídào Wénlín 4.0 bǎn tuīchū. Rújīn yònghù kěyǐ chákàn bìng cāokòng rènhé kě zài bǐhuà kuàng zhōng chákàn de zìfú de CDL miáoshù,” Bìxiǎopǔ shuōdào. Wénlín Yánjiūsuǒ shì Unicode Xiéhuì de róngyù huìyuán, zì 2000 nián yǐlái yīzhí zhìlìyú míhé CJK shùjù chǔlǐ shang de chājù.
In addition, technology is equally a vital impetus for China’s media reform. Since the reform and opening-up, the popularisation of satellite technology, the Internet, mobile Internet and other technologies have changed the microscopic form, industrial structure, business model and operational mentality of Chinese media as well as accelerated the progress of media reform (Xiong et al., 2010).

Both viewpoints have consistent cores, that is, the adherence to the principle that ‘content shall dominate’, which underscores the importance of content resources in maintaining and promoting the influential power of newspapers and in assisting newspapers to step out of the ‘cold winter’. This situation further evokes the hesitation of and the resistance from the journalists of the Fujian press industry as they maintain their professional dignity with effort.
Lā Qiáolā (La Jolla), Jiālìfúníyàzhōu -- Wénlín Yánjiūsuǒ xuānbù Wénlín Hànyǔ Xuéxí Ruǎnjiàn 4.2 bǎn yǔ gōngsī wǎngzhàn (wenlin.com) tóngbù lóngzhòng tuīchū. Wénlín 4.2 de xīn gōngnéng bāokuò kuòzhǎn de zìdiǎn, cídiǎn, Yīng-Hàn, Shuōwén Jiězì (Zhōngguó gǔdài Hànyǔ zìdiǎn) Yǐjí Wénlín zhuānyòng de CDL zìtǐ (wenlin.com/cdl) de zhòngduō gǎijìn, zìtǐ mùqián yǒu chāoguò 96000 ge CDL miáoshù. Qítā zēngqiáng gōngnéng, bāokuò gǎijìn sōusuǒ wénjiàn gōngnéng de jièmiàn, zhòngyào de jièmiàn xīn gōngnéng, yǐjí yīxiē xīn de hé gǎijìnle de gāojí xuǎnxiàng. Duìyú Mac OS X (10.7 huò gèng gāo bǎnběn), zhěnggè yìngyòng chéngxù yǐjīng chóngjiàn wéi 64 wèi Cocoa yìngyòng chéngxù, zhīchí gāo fēnbiànlǜ de Retina gāoqīng xiǎnshìpíng.
The majority of the scholarly analyses of convergence under the culture-oriented perspective have focused on its effects on routines, skills and roles. Several studies indicate that media convergence has changed the routine of information gathering, editing and reporting within newsrooms (Phillips et al., 2009); made journalistic practices considerably stressful with the emergence of multiskilling (Wallace, 2013) and posed severe challenges on the traditional roles of news media, such as ‘gatekeeper’ (Williams and Delli Carpini, 2000) and ‘agenda-setter’ (Quandt and Singer, 2009), as the tendency of convergence between professional- and user-produced content becomes increasingly appreciable. Other studies that employed the same approach indicate that although journalists are confronted with multiple challenges, they do not necessarily take a negative stance to evaluating media convergence. Accordingly, the degree of media convergence (Saltzis and Dickinson, 2008) and size of a media organisation (Mishra, 2014) can affect the perceptions journalists have on convergence journalism, thereby affecting their attitude towards media convergence.
Specifically, information released in new media outlets emphasise timeliness. The irreconcilable conflict between such requirement and the principle of accuracy in news reportage concerns many journalists. In China, the common rule of thumb in terms of news production is that ‘the writer is responsible for the consequences of this article’. Journalists are obliged to take full responsibility for all issues engendered by the news under their name. The risk of ‘more mistakes with more releases’ is a shadow that follows news production as a by-product of the censorship system. Thus, the journalists in Fujian’s press groups disregard the new system of censorship as a ‘buffer’ that could protect them from various risks, particularly political ones. When journalists believe that the risk they may undertake outweighs the financial return they will attain, they choose not to cooperate.
This decision means that the Chinese media must be dedicated to Party and government propaganda whilst earning profits and seeking for industry development. This institutional framework enabled the metropolis newspapers to emphasise the function of profitability that emerged in the mid-1990s. Differing from the party organs, the metropolis newspapers have consciously catered to the preferences of the audience in terms of content, including considerable emphasis on the timeliness, relevance and interesting aspects of the news, concentration on social and personal stories and a continuous increase in the proportion of entertainment and leisure contents. Zhao (1998: 159) opined that these measures are more about supplement than disobedience to the party organs, thereby extending the official ideology further to the social, personal and even mental domains.
Wénlín 4.1.1 dàiyǒu yī zhǒng chuàngxīn de héxīn jīchǔ jìshù hé chuàngzuò gōngjù, yòngyú shūrù, chuánshū hé zhǎnshì Unicode zhōng wèi bāohán de xīn zì, yìtǐzì, shēngpì zì děng Hànzì. Zìxíng Miáoshù Yǔyán (CDL) shì yī zhǒng chǔlǐ Zhōngwén, Rìwén hé Hánwén (CJK) zìtǐ hé shùjù de gèng jǐncòu, gèng gāoxiào, gèng zhǔnquè de fāngfǎ, tā de chūxiàn jiějué le cāozuò xìtǒng hé xiǎoxíng shèbèi píngtái kāifāzhěmen xīwàng jiějué de wèntí. Wénlín CDL kě chǔlǐ 3000 ge zuì chángyòng zì, xiàoguǒ yōuyú Unicode, tóngshí wúxiàn kuòzhǎn le zìfújí, wèi shìjiè qítā de yònghù tígōng le gèngduō zìyóu hé biànlì. Yǔnxǔ zhōngduān yònghù zài 4 bǎnběn zhōng shǐyòng CDL jìshù, zhè wèi géxīn CJK gōngnéng pūpíng le dàolù.
The shortcomings of this study lie in the non-random sampling method on which the survey relies and the theoretical saturation of the findings drawn from the single case. Aside from adopting better sampling techniques, future research can appeal to an editor-centric perspective to comprehensively assess the effects of media convergence. Also, future research can perform comparative analyses across regions or countries to further disclose the multiplicity of convergence effects and its relationship with the regionally and nationally specific factors.
Lā Qiáolā (La Jolla), Jiālìfúníyàzhōu -- Wénlín Hànyǔ Xuéxí Ruǎnjiàn hé CDL zìtǐ jìshù de kāifāzhě -- Wénlín Yánjiūsuǒ, yóu yī jiā pǔtōng qǐyè (gōngsī) zhuǎnxíng chéngwéi “shèhuì mùdì gōngsī” (SPC gōngsī). Tāngmǔ Bìxiǎopǔ (Tom Bishop) zhǔxí jiěshì le zhè yī juédìng: “Wǒmen de jiàoyù shǐmìng, cǐkè, zài fǎlǜ shang, chéngwéi le wǒmen cúnzài de gēnběn yìyì. Zhè yī xīn dìngwèi wèi ràng gèngduō de rén cānyù dào wǒmen de zǔzhī zhōng pūpíng le dàolù, tóngshí jiāng wǒmen de fāzhǎn tíshēng dào xīn de shuǐpíng. Xiànzài wǒmen yǒuquán yě bìxū zài wǒmen gōngsī de zhāngchéng zhōng guīdìng: jiàoyù jí qítā shèhuì mùdì shì wǒmen de zuìgāo zōngzhǐ.” Chúle yào kuòchōng yī zhī yōuxiù tuánduì, bāokuò cídiǎn biānzuǎn, yǔyánxué, biānchéng hé jiàoyù de dǐngjiān zhuānjiā, Wénlín Yánjiūsuǒ Gōngsī SPC dǎsuàn bǎ cídiǎn hé qítā xuéxí cáiliào fābù dào wǎngshàng, ràng quánqiú fúhé zīgé de gòngxiànzhě kěyǐ xiézuò gǎishàn bìng xiūzhèng Zhòng-Yāng zīyuánkù. Gōngsī de xīn dìngwèi biǎomíng línjìn fābù de Wénlín Hànyǔ Xuéxí Ruǎnjiàn 4.2 bǎn jiāng yǔ zhòngdà shēngjí hòu de gōngsī wǎngzhàn tóngbù lóngzhòng tuīchū.
Fujian’s case indicates that new media outlets tend to be ‘domesticated’ in terms of converging news production. Firstly, a multilevel censorship system has been established, thereby ensuring that the new media content is under supervision. Secondly, new media outlets are subject to a bureaucratic style of management with low decision-making efficiency.
In the early 1990s, Chinese press industry strategically expanded policy limits by using the tension between the state and capitals (Akhavan-Majid, 2004). For example, the operation management strategy through structural ‘zoning’ (Pan, 2000) and the content strategy pursuing newsworthiness to the maximum within the permissible policy scope (Zhao, 1996). Thus, newspapers that transform from ‘Party Mouthpiece’ to ‘Party Publicity Inc.’ (Lee et al., 2006) gained substantial rewards from the market whilst performing their propaganda function.
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