Such a characteristic of we-media has further squeezed the price bidding space of the new media of Fujian press industry in the area of content in local journalists’ eyes. What is worse, the procedure of three-phase censorship that deviates from the logic of new media is not strictly followed during the course of converging news production. Delays in the course of censorship have not only impaired the market competitiveness of the new media in terms of content, but also considerably reduced the willingness of journalists to collaborate with the new media centre.
These findings indicate that media convergence is never merely a technological issue. The journalists’ stance on new technologies is not sufficient to guarantee a corresponding attitude towards media convergence. To gain a comprehensive understanding of the effects of convergence, the social context, typically the media system and journalistic culture must be taken into consideration. Both of them exert great influence on journalists’ attitude towards media convergence.
Such standpoint has led local press groups to successively adopt diverse approaches over the past two years to cope with the challenge of new media. Among these approaches, the ‘extendedly ameliorated’ path, namely the implementation of incremental development of newspapers through flow reconstruction whilst retaining their original production system (Mai, 2012: 118), has become a common option of most local press groups. Although media convergence exerts an increasingly significant effect on these local press groups, relevant empirical studies remain limited at present. The current study analyses the perceptions of local newspaper journalists on and evaluations of media convergence through a survey and 20 in-depth interviews so as to disclose the effects of the dominant path of media convergence on local press groups based on the understanding of and reflection on the viewpoints of the ‘insiders’.
To date, the pioneers of media convergence have been thoroughly studied by Chinese scholars. Other press groups as ‘followers’, particularly the local press groups that adopted the dominant path of media convergence, are less highlighted and rarely focused within journalism studies, although they are precisely what have crucially endowed the landscape of Chinese media convergence with regional diversity. The deficiency in relevant studies has entailed the urgent choice of Chinese scholars to focus on media convergence of the local press industry.
In general, similar to most local press groups in China, Fujian’s press groups have started advancing the convergence between newspapers and new media (i.e., in the news production area) only during the past two years without radically altering the existing system of the industry, that is, not touching the core zone of the media convergence–structure adjustment and business operation convergence. Therefore, the Fujian press industry makes a proper case of analysis for this study due to its typical nature in terms of convergence progress and path selection.
An in-depth interview was thereafter conducted to provide an explanation for journalists’ attitude towards new media as well as to answer the research questions 2 and 3. A total of 12 respondents who left their contact information were recruited as interviewees. Given that media convergence is a process of integration among all newspaper offices within one press group, the recruitment of the interviewees was conducted with the press group unit rather than the single newspaper office. Apart from journalists, the leadership and editors of new media centres who had worked in the newspaper newsroom were also recruited as interviewees to obtain an improved understanding of the influences of media convergence on the press industry. The different degrees of experience in news gathering and editing of these directors and editors could be beneficial, particularly their insider’s viewpoint, which will compliment and support that of the journalists. From February to March 2016, the authors recruited eight directors or editors of new media centres for in-depth interviews through snowball sampling.
The term ‘domestication’ originally refers to the process of bringing wild animals or plants under control and using them for food or as pets. In journalism research, ‘domestication’ generally refers to journalism practitioners establishing an association between a foreign news event and the domestic audience by applying certain strategies of representation (Gurevitch et al., 1991). In this study, ‘domestication’ describes the strong institutional inertia under which new media outlets have been progressively involved in the orbit of newspapers. Accordingly, this process homogenises the new media outlets with the system, routines and cultures of traditional media.
Fujian’s case indicates that new media outlets tend to be ‘domesticated’ in terms of converging news production. Firstly, a multilevel censorship system has been established, thereby ensuring that the new media content is under supervision. Secondly, new media outlets are subject to a bureaucratic style of management with low decision-making efficiency.
As Fimoculous points out, there have been American analogues to the renrou sousuo yingqing in some of the mass actions taken by 4chan: They too tracked down a cat abuser based on a video posted on the Internet. But the Human Flesh Search Engine is all the more important for filling in gaps in the Chinese legal system: whereas 4chan collaborated with police in their cat abuse case, China doesn’t have clear animal abuse laws, and so mass shaming had to come before legal action. Lest you decide that that sort of vigilantism is an entirely good thing, the Human Flesh Search Engine has also turned its ire on Chinese citizens who they don’t think are patriotic enough and journalists who call for moderation on Tibet.

Yóulǐkǎ (Eureka), Jiālìfúníyàzhōu -- Jì qùnián dì-sì bǎn de zhòngdà shēngjí zhīhòu, Wénlín Yánjiūsuǒ jīntiān yòu fābù le Wénlín 4.1.1 bǎn. Xīn bǎnběn kě zài www.wenlinshangdian.com huòqǔ. Wénlín 4.0 huò 4.1 bǎn de dāngqián yònghù kěyǐ miǎnfèi gēngxīn. Wèile ràng Wénlín Hànyǔ Xuéxí Ruǎnjiàn gèngjiā shíhuì, Wénlín Yánjiūsuǒ yǐjīng xuānbù, wánzhěngbǎn de jiàgé cóng 179 Měiyuán xiàtiáo zhì 99 Měiyuán, shēngjí fèiyòng cóng 49 Měiyuán xiàjiàng zhì 29 Měiyuán. Xīn yònghù zhǐ xū 99 Měiyuán jí kě gòumǎi Wénlín (hán CD, 119 Měiyuán wàijiā yùnfèi); Wénlín 3.x bǎnběn de yònghù gòumǎi kě xiàzài de shēngjí wénjiàn zhǐ xū 29 Měiyuán (hán CD, 49 Měiyuán wàijiā yùnfèi). Xiàzài bǎnběn hé CD bǎnběn dōu kě zài www.wenlinshangdian.com shàng huòdé, yě kě tōngguò Hànyǔ ruǎnjiàn língshòushāng gòumǎi.
Nevertheless, the resistance from journalists makes no difference to the convergence path of China’s local press industry. The tendency for senior journalists to be more devoted to converging news production compared with junior ones and the tendency for journalists from party organs to show a higher positivity towards contributing compared with those from metropolis newspapers both highlight the impact of institutional and organisational factors on the journalists’ intention and behaviour in collaboration.

Lāqiáolā (La Jolla), Jiālìfúníyà zhōu—Zhōngwén Xuéxí Ruǎnjiàn Wénlín hé CDL zìtǐ jìshù de kāifā shāng——Wénlín Yánjiūsuǒ xīn tuīchū de «Hàn-Yīng yànyǔ cídiǎn» ruǎnjiàn bǎn xiànyǐ zhīchí fántǐzì, cídiǎn yóu Yuēhàn Luōsēnnuò (John S. Rohsenow) biānjí. Xiàndài yǔyán qīkān duì Luōsēnnuò (Rohsenow) cídiǎn de píngjià shì “ dàigěi rén yúkuài tǐyàn, yìyú shǐyòng ... Wèi pǔtōng Yīngyǔ dúzhě kāiqǐle Zhōngguó mínjiān zhìhuì de bǎokù ... duì rènhé jíbié de yǔyán xuésheng hé rènhé xūyào jīngpì géyán de rén dōu shìjí jù xīyǐnlì qiě shífēn shòuyì de” (89, 2005). Yóu Wénlín Yánjiūsuǒ (zhǐ zhì bǎn de biānzhì zhě) kāifā de xīnbǎn ruǎnjiàn wèi xuéxí yànyǔ zhè yī bǎoguì zīyuán zēngtiānle xīn de wéidù. Gāi ruǎnjiàn bǎnběn yīng yǔ Wénlín Hànyǔ Xuéxí Ruǎnjiàn 4.1 huò gèng gāo bǎnběn jiéhé shǐyòng. Yōngyǒu Wénlín qiángdà de ABC Diànzǐ Cídiǎn de quánbù jíhé, yìwèizhe jiǎntǐ hé fántǐ Zhōngwén de dúzhě kěyǐ shíshí fǎngwèn gèzhǒnggèyàng de cítiáo yǐ tànqiú Luōsēnnuò jiàoshòu jīngliáng fānyì de wēimiào zhī chù, bìng lǐjiě Zhōngwén yànyǔ gèng shēnkè de hányì. Shìyòng yú suǒyǒu liúlǎnqì de bǎnběn zhèngzài jījí kāifā zhōng. Zhè yī xīn diànzǐ bǎn de shòuzhòng wèi pǔtōng Yīngyǔ hé Hànyǔ dúzhě, yǐjí rénlèixué, yǔyánxué, wénxué, shèhuìxué, xīnlǐxué, lìshǐxué zàinèi de gèzhǒng lǐngyù de zhuānjiā. Xīnbǎn Wénlín 4.2 huò gèng gāo bǎnběn de ruǎnjiàn kě fǎngwèn https://www.wenlinshangdian.com wǎngshang gòumǎi, shòujià wèi 19.99 Měiyuán. Zuìjìn yóu Xiàwēiyí Dàxué Chūbǎnshè chūbǎn de «ABC Hàn-Yīng Yànyǔ Cídiǎn» bāohánle yuē 4000 duō tiáo Hànyǔ yànyǔ, gēnjù Hànyǔ Pīnyīn zhuǎnlù hé Hànzì (biāozhǔn jiǎntǐ), ànzhào yànyǔ shǒucí (詞/词 cí) de zìmǔ shùnxù páiliè, fùdài de Yīngwén shūmiàn zhíyì (rú bìyào yě huì cǎiyòng yìyì). Qítā nèiróng bāohán: jiǎnyào yòngfǎ zhùshì, láiyuán, bìngxíng biǎodá, cānzhào yǐnyòng yǐjí yìngyòng shílì. Chúle yànyǔ zhīwài, zìdiǎn hái dàiyǒu guānjiàncí suǒyǐn (Zhōng-Yīngwén), bāokuò suǒyǒu shèjí de cítiáo hé huàtí. Biānzhě duì zhèxiē yànyǔ zài chuántǒng yǔ dāngdài Zhōngguó shèhuì zhòngdì dìngyì, jiégòu, yòngtú hé lìshǐ jìnxíngle xuéshù jièshào, lièchūle wénxiàn jí hé xiāngguān yànyǔ de xuéshù yánjiū.
Approaches to writing instruction developed in North America have gradually made their presence felt in other parts of the world during recent years. A curricular evaluation of the local needs, instruction, assessments, teacher preparation, and other pedagogical factors is crucial for the successful transmission and integration of those approaches into the new contexts. Set against the background of recent, exuberant scholarly discussions of the issue of transplanting Western writing pedagogies, this article presents an observational report of a typical college English curriculum for non-majors in China, with a focus on its writing component. The study has found that English writing is taught under the guidance of a nationally unified syllabus and examination system. Rather than assisting their students to develop thoughts in writing, teachers in this system are predominantly concerned about the teaching of correct form and test-taking skills. Because of their relatively low economic status in China, English teachers have to work extra hours and have little time to spend on individual students or on furthering their professional training. However, signs of recent Western writing pedagogies, such as pre-writing and multiple-drafting activities, are identified in classrooms and textbook publishing, which indicate the possibility of successful adaptations of the recent Western writing pedagogies in the Chinese context.
Wénlín Hànyǔ xuéxí ruǎnjiàn (Wénlín Wánzhěngbǎn) hé zìdiǎn kuòzhǎn chéngxù de kāifāzhě, Wénlín Yánjiūsuǒ Shèhuì Mùdì Gōngsī (SPC) wèi Hànyǔ xuéxí, yánjiū hé kāifā, tígōng ruǎnjiàn jiějué fāng'àn. Wénlín de shǐmìng shì bāngzhù rénmen xuéxí Hànyǔ hé Yīngyǔ, cùjìn bùtóng wénhuà jiān de jiàoyù, lǐjiě, gòngchǔ hé hézuò; fāzhǎn yǔyán hé jiàoyù kēxué, jìshù hé jìqiǎo. Yù liǎojiě gèngduō Wénlín Yánjiūsuǒ Shèhuì Mùdì Gōngsī de xiángqíng, qǐng diǎnjī wenlin.com.
47 On 10 and 12 April, media briefings with Foreign Ministry spokesman Qin Gang were convened. See http://www.fmprc.gov.cn, accessed 31 May 2007. For reports see Beijing Youth Daily, 13 April 2008, Jinghua shibao, 13 April 2005, China Daily, 13 April 2005. Similar announcements by the spokesperson of the Public Security Bureau followed. See People's Daily and Beijing Youth Daily, 22 April 2005.
For the Fujian press industry, the local journalists’ attitude towards the new media is moderately positive, which is inconsistent with their negative attitude towards the convergence of newspapers and new media. In other words, the journalists’ pessimistic views on media convergence are not because of their dislike of new technology but a manifestation of the institutional, organisational and individual complexities within the local press industry. The demographic factors that affect the journalists’ attitude towards new media, including age, years at work and type of newspaper, have unique connotations under the Chinese media system.
16 Expertise is defined as a source's “presumed knowledge and ability to provide accurate information.” See Petty, R. and Wegener, D., Attitude Change: Multiple Roles for Attitude Change (Boston: McGraw-Hill, 1998), p. 344. Objectivity refers to perceptions of media sources to be unbiased, accurate, fair and “to tell the whole story.” See Iyengar, S. and Kinder, D.R., Psychological Accounts of Agenda-Setting (Beverly Hills: Sage, 1985); Miller, J. and Krosnick, J., “News media impact on the ingredients of presidential evaluations: politically knowledgeable citizens are guided by a trusted source,” American Journal of Political Science, Vol. 44, No. 2 (2000), pp. 301–15.
La Jolla, Jiāzhōu — Wénlín Yánjiūsuǒ yǒuxiàn gōngsī (SPC) zhèngshì fābù Wénlín Hànyǔ Xuéxí Ruǎnjiàn 4.3 háohuá bǎn (Wénlín Wánzhěngbǎn). Xīn fābù de 4.3 bạ̌nběn wánquán zhīchí wánzhěngbǎn Hànyǔ Dà Cídiǎn suọ̌yǐn, suọ̌yǐn jīngguò gēngzhèng, kuòchōng bìng àn zìmǔ shùnxù páiliè, zuòwéi fùjiā chéngxù kě yǔ Wénlín ABC cídiǎn wánměi rónghé, jǐn shòu 49 Měiyuán. Wénlín ABC HDC suọ̌yǐn ruǎnjiàn bǎn kě ràng yònghù qīngsōng chákàn HDC ruǎnjiàn zhōng dàiyǒu de 350, 000 ge duōyīnjié tiáomù. Wénlín ABC HDC kuòzhǎn chéngxù shì yī zhǒng xiānjìn de yánjiū gōngjù, gòng shōunàle chāoguò 568, 000 ge tiáomù. Tōngguò cānkǎo HDC tiáomù, nǐ kẹ̌yǐ gènghǎo de lị̌jiě hěn duō ABC dāncí (bụ̀lùn shì-fǒu chūxiàn zài HDC). Tóngyàng de, HDC hángàile xǔduō wèi shōulù zài ABC cídiǎn de tiáomù, dàn yǔ ABC cíkù jiéhé qǐlai huì gènghǎo lị̌jiě. ABC+HDC de cházhǎo gōngnéng jīngcháng huì dǎoxiàng xiāngguān xìnxī, wúlùn shì Wénlín zhíjiē lièchū de liànjiē huòshì tōngguò Wénlín xīn tuīchū de wǎngluò sōusuǒ gōngnéng. HDC suọ̌yǐn yǔ ABC Hànyǔ cídiǎn xìliè zhǔbiān Méi Wéihéng (Victor H. Mair) jiàoshòu, (láizì Bīnxīfǎníyà dàxué), xiě dào︰ "Kàndào Wénlín fābùle yǐ dānxiàng páixù zìmǔ suọ̌yǐn wánzhěngbǎn «Hànyǔ Dà Cídiǎn» de diànzǐ bǎn, wǒ fēicháng gāoxìng. Zhè duì chīmí Hànyǔ yánjiū de měi yī gèrén lái shuō quèshí shì yī ge fúyīn".
Approaches to writing instruction developed in North America have gradually made their presence felt in other parts of the world during recent years. A curricular evaluation of the local needs, instruction, assessments, teacher preparation, and other pedagogical factors is crucial for the successful transmission and integration of those approaches into the new contexts. Set against the background of recent, exuberant scholarly discussions of the issue of transplanting Western writing pedagogies, this article presents an observational report of a typical college English curriculum for non-majors in China, with a focus on its writing component. The study has found that English writing is taught under the guidance of a nationally unified syllabus and examination system. Rather than assisting their students to develop thoughts in writing, teachers in this system are predominantly concerned about the teaching of correct form and test-taking skills. Because of their relatively low economic status in China, English teachers have to work extra hours and have little time to spend on individual students or on furthering their professional training. However, signs of recent Western writing pedagogies, such as pre-writing and multiple-drafting activities, are identified in classrooms and textbook publishing, which indicate the possibility of successful adaptations of the recent Western writing pedagogies in the Chinese context.
In the early 1990s, Chinese press industry strategically expanded policy limits by using the tension between the state and capitals (Akhavan-Majid, 2004). For example, the operation management strategy through structural ‘zoning’ (Pan, 2000) and the content strategy pursuing newsworthiness to the maximum within the permissible policy scope (Zhao, 1996). Thus, newspapers that transform from ‘Party Mouthpiece’ to ‘Party Publicity Inc.’ (Lee et al., 2006) gained substantial rewards from the market whilst performing their propaganda function.
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