Although the effects of media convergence from a journalist perspective are waiting to be further examined, a comprehensive view of the influence of new media on news production has been achieved by Chinese scholars. Existing studies indicate that journalists’ attitude towards new media is complicated. On one hand, the use of the Internet and we-media, such as QQ, Weibo and Wechat, has been considered to boost the work efficiency of journalists, enhance the interaction between journalists and readers and increase the transparency of news production (Wu and Zhang, 2015). On the other hand, an increasing number of journalists are also inclined to attribute the loss of ‘journalistic ideal’ to multifarious pressures provoked by new media (Ding and Wei, 2014). Given the development of mobile Internet and prevalence of we-media since the beginning of the 21st century, information and opinions from netizens have gradually become a vital source of news for traditional media and the public (Wu and Zhang, 2015; Zhou, 2014), and the objectivity of news and journalists’ authoritativeness have been impaired (Bai, 2013).
In 2006, the General Administration of Press and Publication of China began enforcing the first batch of the ‘China Digital Newspaper Laboratory Programs’, in which 18 national and local press groups were involved in officially unfolding the prelude of the ‘full-media convergence’, namely an intensive integration of new media into the system of traditional press. Since 2012, Chinese press industry has stepped into a ‘cold winter’. Throughout 2014 alone, the total revenue of newspaper circulation experienced a substantial decrease of 25%, with advertising revenue simultaneously decreasing by 15% (Cui and He, 2015). Several scholars suggested that vulnerable profit-making pattern, global economic recession and the decelerating growth rate of the domestic economy were the key factors for the predicament that Chinese press industry is experiencing (Zhao, 2015). However, the industry tends to ascribe the dramatic revenue decline to the prosperity of new media (cf. Cao, 2010; Zhou, 2015).
Before and after 2009, all major press groups in Fujian started to establish e-newspapers and transfer the newspaper contents to their official news websites to cope with the loss of readers as a result of the prevalence of computer technology as well as to maintain and expand the influence of traditional media. The popularity of Weibo and WeChat emerged between 2011 and 2012, thereby prompting the local press groups in Fujian to try out both platforms. During this period, newspapers were the pillar of the press groups’ revenue. Within most press groups in Fujian, Weibo and WeChat remained under the operation of newspaper editors and journalists on a part-time basis and received limited emphasis from the leadership.
In September 1992, the Fifth Plenary Session of the 14th Central Committee recommended that the main direction in future adjustments of the industrial structure should be to ‘actively promote the tertiary industry’. In 1993, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and the State Council officially included the media industry in the tertiary industry in the Decisions on Accelerating Development in the Tertiary Industry, while maintaining this industry’s attributes as a propaganda and administrative institution.
Wénlín Hànyǔ xuéxí ruǎnjiàn (Wénlín Wánzhěngbǎn) hé zìdiǎn kuòzhǎn chéngxù de kāifāzhě, Wénlín Yánjiūsuǒ Shèhuì Mùdì Gōngsī (SPC) wèi Hànyǔ xuéxí, yánjiū hé kāifā, tígōng ruǎnjiàn jiějué fāng'àn. Wénlín de shǐmìng shì bāngzhù rénmen xuéxí Hànyǔ hé Yīngyǔ, cùjìn bùtóng wénhuà jiān de jiàoyù, lǐjiě, gòngchǔ hé hézuò; fāzhǎn yǔyán hé jiàoyù kēxué, jìshù hé jìqiǎo. Yù liǎojiě gèngduō Wénlín Yánjiūsuǒ Shèhuì Mùdì Gōngsī de xiángqíng, qǐng diǎnjī wenlin.com.
Understanding why most interviewed journalists also asserted that the assumptions that ‘multi-skilled journalists’ who can write, photograph and edit is unrealistic (if not entirely unreasonable), and claimed that newspaper journalists should be differentiated from specialised new media journalists who will transform into expert-type journalists in the future by delivering objective, rational and in-depth reportage on a certain subdivided domain. In this conception, new media practitioners remain quite distinct from their peers from the traditional media. However, such a difference has undergone slight changes, that is, traditional media practitioners have begun to admit and accept the possibility that their new media counterparts may be professionalised in the domain of news production. Journalists are consulting about their roles in reference to new media, although they are more inclined towards constriction rather than extension when adjusting their professional boundaries.
The last two sections show some potential changes in the dominant path of media convergence adopted by the local press industry. Existing studies indicate that institutional and organisational factors considerably influence the journalists’ perception of their professional roles (Tao and Zhang, 2014; Wu et al., 1996; Zhang and Wu, 2016). Long-term attention is equally worthwhile with regard to whether the future structural adjustment of the local press industry in the area of media convergence will change the journalists’ identification of their roles.
Lā Qiáolā (La Jolla), Jiālìfúníyàzhōu -- Wénlín Yánjiūsuǒ xuānbù Wénlín Hànyǔ Xuéxí Ruǎnjiàn 4.2 bǎn yǔ gōngsī wǎngzhàn (wenlin.com) tóngbù lóngzhòng tuīchū. Wénlín 4.2 de xīn gōngnéng bāokuò kuòzhǎn de zìdiǎn, cídiǎn, Yīng-Hàn, Shuōwén Jiězì (Zhōngguó gǔdài Hànyǔ zìdiǎn) Yǐjí Wénlín zhuānyòng de CDL zìtǐ (wenlin.com/cdl) de zhòngduō gǎijìn, zìtǐ mùqián yǒu chāoguò 96000 ge CDL miáoshù. Qítā zēngqiáng gōngnéng, bāokuò gǎijìn sōusuǒ wénjiàn gōngnéng de jièmiàn, zhòngyào de jièmiàn xīn gōngnéng, yǐjí yīxiē xīn de hé gǎijìnle de gāojí xuǎnxiàng. Duìyú Mac OS X (10.7 huò gèng gāo bǎnběn), zhěnggè yìngyòng chéngxù yǐjīng chóngjiàn wéi 64 wèi Cocoa yìngyòng chéngxù, zhīchí gāo fēnbiànlǜ de Retina gāoqīng xiǎnshìpíng.
In recent years, the Fujian press industry has stagnated due to frequent turnover of personnel. Given that the number of practicing journalists in this province is difficult to determine, the authors adopted the snowball sampling method by firstly contacting the persons-in-charge of the newsroom and requesting them thereafter to recruit journalists to answer the survey. Considering the particularity of the respondents’ profession, that is, having flexible working hours, two assistants were assigned to distribute the printed questionnaires before and after the plenary press conference or the newsroom convention from July to August 2015.
19 Media scholar Chen Lidan defines xuanchuan as “Using various symbols to communicate a certain concept in order to influence people's thought and their actions.” Chen, L., “Yong shishi shuo hua shi xuanchuan fangfa er bu shi xinwen xiezuo guilu” (“Using facts to write news is a propaganda method and not a rule to write news reports”), Renmin wang (People's Net) (2003).
La Jolla, Jiāzhōu — Wénlín Yánjiūsuǒ yǒuxiàn gōngsī (SPC) zhèngshì fābù Wénlín Hànyǔ Xuéxí Ruǎnjiàn 4.3 háohuá bǎn (Wénlín Wánzhěngbǎn). Xīn fābù de 4.3 bạ̌nběn wánquán zhīchí wánzhěngbǎn Hànyǔ Dà Cídiǎn suọ̌yǐn, suọ̌yǐn jīngguò gēngzhèng, kuòchōng bìng àn zìmǔ shùnxù páiliè, zuòwéi fùjiā chéngxù kě yǔ Wénlín ABC cídiǎn wánměi rónghé, jǐn shòu 49 Měiyuán. Wénlín ABC HDC suọ̌yǐn ruǎnjiàn bǎn kě ràng yònghù qīngsōng chákàn HDC ruǎnjiàn zhōng dàiyǒu de 350, 000 ge duōyīnjié tiáomù. Wénlín ABC HDC kuòzhǎn chéngxù shì yī zhǒng xiānjìn de yánjiū gōngjù, gòng shōunàle chāoguò 568, 000 ge tiáomù. Tōngguò cānkǎo HDC tiáomù, nǐ kẹ̌yǐ gènghǎo de lị̌jiě hěn duō ABC dāncí (bụ̀lùn shì-fǒu chūxiàn zài HDC). Tóngyàng de, HDC hángàile xǔduō wèi shōulù zài ABC cídiǎn de tiáomù, dàn yǔ ABC cíkù jiéhé qǐlai huì gènghǎo lị̌jiě. ABC+HDC de cházhǎo gōngnéng jīngcháng huì dǎoxiàng xiāngguān xìnxī, wúlùn shì Wénlín zhíjiē lièchū de liànjiē huòshì tōngguò Wénlín xīn tuīchū de wǎngluò sōusuǒ gōngnéng. HDC suọ̌yǐn yǔ ABC Hànyǔ cídiǎn xìliè zhǔbiān Méi Wéihéng (Victor H. Mair) jiàoshòu, (láizì Bīnxīfǎníyà dàxué), xiě dào︰ "Kàndào Wénlín fābùle yǐ dānxiàng páixù zìmǔ suọ̌yǐn wánzhěngbǎn «Hànyǔ Dà Cídiǎn» de diànzǐ bǎn, wǒ fēicháng gāoxìng. Zhè duì chīmí Hànyǔ yánjiū de měi yī gèrén lái shuō quèshí shì yī ge fúyīn".
Such a characteristic of we-media has further squeezed the price bidding space of the new media of Fujian press industry in the area of content in local journalists’ eyes. What is worse, the procedure of three-phase censorship that deviates from the logic of new media is not strictly followed during the course of converging news production. Delays in the course of censorship have not only impaired the market competitiveness of the new media in terms of content, but also considerably reduced the willingness of journalists to collaborate with the new media centre.