La Jolla, Jiāzhōu — Wénlín Yánjiūsuǒ yǒuxiàn gōngsī (SPC) zhèngshì fābù Wénlín Hànyǔ Xuéxí Ruǎnjiàn 4.3 háohuá bǎn (Wénlín Wánzhěngbǎn). Xīn fābù de 4.3 bạ̌nběn wánquán zhīchí wánzhěngbǎn Hànyǔ Dà Cídiǎn suọ̌yǐn, suọ̌yǐn jīngguò gēngzhèng, kuòchōng bìng àn zìmǔ shùnxù páiliè, zuòwéi fùjiā chéngxù kě yǔ Wénlín ABC cídiǎn wánměi rónghé, jǐn shòu 49 Měiyuán. Wénlín ABC HDC suọ̌yǐn ruǎnjiàn bǎn kě ràng yònghù qīngsōng chákàn HDC ruǎnjiàn zhōng dàiyǒu de 350, 000 ge duōyīnjié tiáomù. Wénlín ABC HDC kuòzhǎn chéngxù shì yī zhǒng xiānjìn de yánjiū gōngjù, gòng shōunàle chāoguò 568, 000 ge tiáomù. Tōngguò cānkǎo HDC tiáomù, nǐ kẹ̌yǐ gènghǎo de lị̌jiě hěn duō ABC dāncí (bụ̀lùn shì-fǒu chūxiàn zài HDC). Tóngyàng de, HDC hángàile xǔduō wèi shōulù zài ABC cídiǎn de tiáomù, dàn yǔ ABC cíkù jiéhé qǐlai huì gènghǎo lị̌jiě. ABC+HDC de cházhǎo gōngnéng jīngcháng huì dǎoxiàng xiāngguān xìnxī, wúlùn shì Wénlín zhíjiē lièchū de liànjiē huòshì tōngguò Wénlín xīn tuīchū de wǎngluò sōusuǒ gōngnéng. HDC suọ̌yǐn yǔ ABC Hànyǔ cídiǎn xìliè zhǔbiān Méi Wéihéng (Victor H. Mair) jiàoshòu, (láizì Bīnxīfǎníyà dàxué), xiě dào︰ "Kàndào Wénlín fābùle yǐ dānxiàng páixù zìmǔ suọ̌yǐn wánzhěngbǎn «Hànyǔ Dà Cídiǎn» de diànzǐ bǎn, wǒ fēicháng gāoxìng. Zhè duì chīmí Hànyǔ yánjiū de měi yī gèrén lái shuō quèshí shì yī ge fúyīn".
In September 1992, the Fifth Plenary Session of the 14th Central Committee recommended that the main direction in future adjustments of the industrial structure should be to ‘actively promote the tertiary industry’. In 1993, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and the State Council officially included the media industry in the tertiary industry in the Decisions on Accelerating Development in the Tertiary Industry, while maintaining this industry’s attributes as a propaganda and administrative institution.
For Western journalism researchers, media convergence generally refers to the ‘cooperation and collaboration between formerly distinct media newsrooms and other parts of the modern media company’ (Deuze, 2004: 140). Chinese scholars were considerably inclined to use the phrase ‘full-media’ (Quan Meiti) to describe the convergence process. Full-media, which is a term coined by Chinese media practitioners, implies a figure of oriental holism under the perspective of Chinese traditional philosophy (Ji et al., 2013). Mai (2012: 41) employed observation and in-depth interviews and defined full-media convergence as ‘a mode of structural integration of news production, dissemination and business operation on the platforms of new communication technology’.

19 Media scholar Chen Lidan defines xuanchuan as “Using various symbols to communicate a certain concept in order to influence people's thought and their actions.” Chen, L., “Yong shishi shuo hua shi xuanchuan fangfa er bu shi xinwen xiezuo guilu” (“Using facts to write news is a propaganda method and not a rule to write news reports”), Renmin wang (People's Net) (2003).
From the viewpoint of local journalists, news from the Fujian press industry was originally highly homogenised and lacked competitiveness. After the three-phase censorship of new media was institutionalised, risks from converging news production declined, but the timely release of information was weakened and the opportunity for journalistic autonomy has decreased as well. When covering politically sensitive social events, the freedom of speech of the new media was equally limited relative to others within the press industry and was occasionally even more restricted than that of newspapers.
The case study of Fujian indicates that what lies beneath the persistent tension between newspaper offices and new media departments is substantively a conflict of economic interest that results from the competitive relationship amongst various media outlets within the local press group since the period of media conglomeration. Adjusting the administrative structure cannot reduce this tension as long as the economic logic is not thoroughly challenged.
Such a characteristic of we-media has further squeezed the price bidding space of the new media of Fujian press industry in the area of content in local journalists’ eyes. What is worse, the procedure of three-phase censorship that deviates from the logic of new media is not strictly followed during the course of converging news production. Delays in the course of censorship have not only impaired the market competitiveness of the new media in terms of content, but also considerably reduced the willingness of journalists to collaborate with the new media centre. 

Nevertheless, the resistance from journalists makes no difference to the convergence path of China’s local press industry. The tendency for senior journalists to be more devoted to converging news production compared with junior ones and the tendency for journalists from party organs to show a higher positivity towards contributing compared with those from metropolis newspapers both highlight the impact of institutional and organisational factors on the journalists’ intention and behaviour in collaboration.
In the early 1990s, Chinese press industry strategically expanded policy limits by using the tension between the state and capitals (Akhavan-Majid, 2004). For example, the operation management strategy through structural ‘zoning’ (Pan, 2000) and the content strategy pursuing newsworthiness to the maximum within the permissible policy scope (Zhao, 1996). Thus, newspapers that transform from ‘Party Mouthpiece’ to ‘Party Publicity Inc.’ (Lee et al., 2006) gained substantial rewards from the market whilst performing their propaganda function.

In the early stages after the foundation of China, domestic journalists assumed the primary role of ‘propagators’. From the 1980s to the 1990s, China’s journalists have started to undertake other roles, such as ‘information providers’, ‘information interpreters’, ‘advocators’ and ‘profit makers’. Evidently, their professional roles have become increasingly diversified. In recent years, domestic journalists have gradually ‘returned to the essence of journalism’ in their selection of professional roles (Chen and Jiang, 2008). Most professional journalists have identified with the objective and neutral role of an ‘information provider’ (Zhang and Wu, 2014).

To encourage journalist participation, two newspaper offices in Fujian added ‘volume of news feeding to the centre’ in the their evaluation criteria for journalists’ work performance, and many other newspaper offices of the Fujian press industry stimulated the initiatives of journalists for collaboration with ‘remuneration’ (Gaofei) or ‘points’ (Gaofen). Motivated by these measures, a few journalists, particularly the young and junior ones, began to adapt to the working tempo of rapid publication and multiple ‘versions’ of a single story. Others, particularly old and senior journalists, had matter-of-fact reactions to such measures. From the perspective of the new media centre director and editors, the material rewards that failed to meet the expectations of journalists constitute the primary reason for the latter’s reluctance to participate. However, interviews with journalists revealed that their willingness to contribute news reports depends on the anticipated gains and the price that they may have to pay for such participation.
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