Two alternative paths are presently available for the local press industry to thoroughly address the issue of content for new media outlets. The first path is to remove the administrative hierarchy between metropolis newspapers and party organs, with the new media centre providing news to both newspapers and new media outlets for further editing. In this case, the new media outlets are not incorporated into the new media centre but remain at the same administrative level as the traditional media departments. Hence, the vertical communication between the new media centre and various new media outlets increases, yet the horizontal interaction between newspapers and new media outlets dramatically reduces. The second path is to insulate the newspapers from converging news production, with the centre producing content independently for new media outlets.

29 Wan, M., Sino-Japanese Relations: Interaction, Logic, and Transformation (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2006); Reilly, J., “China's history activism and Sino-Japanese relations,” China: An International Journal, Vol. 4, No. 2 (2006), pp. 189–216; J.C. Weiss, “Powerful patriots: nationalism, diplomacy and the strategic logic of anti-foreign protest,” PhD thesis, University of California, San Diego, 2008.

Lāqiáolā (La Jolla), Jiālìfúníyà zhōu—Zhōngwén Xuéxí Ruǎnjiàn Wénlín hé CDL zìtǐ jìshù de kāifā shāng——Wénlín Yánjiūsuǒ xīn tuīchū de «Hàn-Yīng yànyǔ cídiǎn» ruǎnjiàn bǎn xiànyǐ zhīchí fántǐzì, cídiǎn yóu Yuēhàn Luōsēnnuò (John S. Rohsenow) biānjí. Xiàndài yǔyán qīkān duì Luōsēnnuò (Rohsenow) cídiǎn de píngjià shì “ dàigěi rén yúkuài tǐyàn, yìyú shǐyòng ... Wèi pǔtōng Yīngyǔ dúzhě kāiqǐle Zhōngguó mínjiān zhìhuì de bǎokù ... duì rènhé jíbié de yǔyán xuésheng hé rènhé xūyào jīngpì géyán de rén dōu shìjí jù xīyǐnlì qiě shífēn shòuyì de” (89, 2005). Yóu Wénlín Yánjiūsuǒ (zhǐ zhì bǎn de biānzhì zhě) kāifā de xīnbǎn ruǎnjiàn wèi xuéxí yànyǔ zhè yī bǎoguì zīyuán zēngtiānle xīn de wéidù. Gāi ruǎnjiàn bǎnběn yīng yǔ Wénlín Hànyǔ Xuéxí Ruǎnjiàn 4.1 huò gèng gāo bǎnběn jiéhé shǐyòng. Yōngyǒu Wénlín qiángdà de ABC Diànzǐ Cídiǎn de quánbù jíhé, yìwèizhe jiǎntǐ hé fántǐ Zhōngwén de dúzhě kěyǐ shíshí fǎngwèn gèzhǒnggèyàng de cítiáo yǐ tànqiú Luōsēnnuò jiàoshòu jīngliáng fānyì de wēimiào zhī chù, bìng lǐjiě Zhōngwén yànyǔ gèng shēnkè de hányì. Shìyòng yú suǒyǒu liúlǎnqì de bǎnběn zhèngzài jījí kāifā zhōng. Zhè yī xīn diànzǐ bǎn de shòuzhòng wèi pǔtōng Yīngyǔ hé Hànyǔ dúzhě, yǐjí rénlèixué, yǔyánxué, wénxué, shèhuìxué, xīnlǐxué, lìshǐxué zàinèi de gèzhǒng lǐngyù de zhuānjiā. Xīnbǎn Wénlín 4.2 huò gèng gāo bǎnběn de ruǎnjiàn kě fǎngwèn https://www.wenlinshangdian.com wǎngshang gòumǎi, shòujià wèi 19.99 Měiyuán. Zuìjìn yóu Xiàwēiyí Dàxué Chūbǎnshè chūbǎn de «ABC Hàn-Yīng Yànyǔ Cídiǎn» bāohánle yuē 4000 duō tiáo Hànyǔ yànyǔ, gēnjù Hànyǔ Pīnyīn zhuǎnlù hé Hànzì (biāozhǔn jiǎntǐ), ànzhào yànyǔ shǒucí (詞/词 cí) de zìmǔ shùnxù páiliè, fùdài de Yīngwén shūmiàn zhíyì (rú bìyào yě huì cǎiyòng yìyì). Qítā nèiróng bāohán: jiǎnyào yòngfǎ zhùshì, láiyuán, bìngxíng biǎodá, cānzhào yǐnyòng yǐjí yìngyòng shílì. Chúle yànyǔ zhīwài, zìdiǎn hái dàiyǒu guānjiàncí suǒyǐn (Zhōng-Yīngwén), bāokuò suǒyǒu shèjí de cítiáo hé huàtí. Biānzhě duì zhèxiē yànyǔ zài chuántǒng yǔ dāngdài Zhōngguó shèhuì zhòngdì dìngyì, jiégòu, yòngtú hé lìshǐ jìnxíngle xuéshù jièshào, lièchūle wénxiàn jí hé xiāngguān yànyǔ de xuéshù yánjiū.
The relationship between demographic factors with journalists’ attitude towards new media has been analysed in order to determine the variation among different types of journalists. The results of the ANOVA test indicate that gender and degree of education make no difference to the respondents’ perception about the changes or to their evaluation of new media; the type of newspaper makes no difference to the former but does influences the latter (F = 13.107, df = 1, p < .01). The results of the correlation analysis indicate that the respondents’ ages and years at work are uncorrelated to their perception but positively correlated to their evaluation of new media (r = 0.235, p < .001; r = 0.185, p < .01). Although local journalists in Fujian have generally recognised the changes brought about by new media to newspapers, those from metropolis newspapers were more inclined to provide a negative evaluation to these changes than those from party organs, whilst the older and more experienced the journalists were, the more positive evaluation they tended to provide to new media.

To examine the effects of media convergence on news production, both survey and in-depth interview are adopted with the press industry of Fujian Province as the case of analysis. At present, four large-scale press groups exist in Fujian Province: Xiamen Daily Group, which owns three comprehensive daily newspapers (Xiamen Daily, Xiamen Evening News and Haixi Morning Post); Fujian Daily News Press, which owns three comprehensive daily newspapers (Fujian Daily, Strait News and Strait Herald); Fuzhou Daily Media Press, which owns two comprehensive daily newspapers (Fuzhou Daily and Fuzhou Evening News) and Quanzhou Evening News Press, which owns two comprehensive daily newspapers (Quanzhou Evening News and Southeast Morning Post). Overall, the size and influence of the Fujian press industry are ranked in the middle nationwide.
The impetus for junior journalists to participate in the converging news production is the same consideration that prevents senior journalists from collaborating with the new media centre, that is, to achieve the balance between gain and cost. The industry and the journalists ‘inside the system’ (tizhinei) are likely to opt for political safety over financial return, whereas their counterparts ‘outside the system’ (tizhiwai) ascribe considerable importance to the latter than the former.
Over the course of media reform in the past four decades, economic and technological logic has definitely been significantly adherent to political logic, thereby exerting an influence under the latter’s framework. For example, propaganda has been given a high priority as a function that the Chinese media must perform throughout the process of media reform. Nevertheless, the tension between profiting and propaganda, market and state provides space for the strategic development of the media industries within China.

The case study of Fujian indicates that what lies beneath the persistent tension between newspaper offices and new media departments is substantively a conflict of economic interest that results from the competitive relationship amongst various media outlets within the local press group since the period of media conglomeration. Adjusting the administrative structure cannot reduce this tension as long as the economic logic is not thoroughly challenged.

Starting from the emergence of online newspapers, traditional media departments, particularly their leadership, were rather ‘antagonistic’ against new media departments based on the concerns over newspaper circulation. Nevertheless, the competitive relationship between the two types of departments remained unclear because new media departments were situated in a relatively marginalised position inside the press industry. After media convergence along the dominant path was officially launched, original new media departments have been integrated into the new media centre. Vast financial support, manpower and material investments were put to the new media centres of the Fujian press industry, which had reinforced the position of new media department as a ‘rival’ to newspaper offices.


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Fujian’s case indicates that new media outlets tend to be ‘domesticated’ in terms of converging news production. Firstly, a multilevel censorship system has been established, thereby ensuring that the new media content is under supervision. Secondly, new media outlets are subject to a bureaucratic style of management with low decision-making efficiency.
Moreover, most journalists willing to provide news to the new media centres are from party organs, whereas the majority of the metropolis newspaper journalists resisted collaboration. To understand the reason behind such contrast, note that new media centres are governed by party organs in terms of administrative hierarchy and are completely independent of metropolis newspaper offices in terms of finances. Compared with the metropolis newspapers, the party organ has relatively few barriers to the new media centres and a high degree of resource sharing. Such disparity has resulted in an operational obstacle between metropolis newspaper offices and the new media centre. To the new media leadership, this obstacle is precisely the underlying reason for newspapers and the new media to continue to be integrated but stay incompatible. The pattern of this relationship affects journalists’ willingness to collaborate.

The major obstacle to journalists’ willingness to collaborate is not their unawareness of the immense influence that new media has upon the press industry but their professional dignity. That is, the fiercer the competition that the press industry encounters, the greater the urgency that the journalists feel in defending the boundary between themselves, professionals and amateurs, who encompass all types of emerging information providers on new media. This elitist imagination of the profession motivates journalists to resist collaborating with the new media centres and inspires those who actively adapted themselves to converging news production.
Lāqiáolā (La Jolla), Jiālìfúníyà zhōu—Zhōngwén Xuéxí Ruǎnjiàn Wénlín hé CDL zìtǐ jìshù de kāifā shāng——Wénlín Yánjiūsuǒ xīn tuīchū de «Hàn-Yīng yànyǔ cídiǎn» ruǎnjiàn bǎn xiànyǐ zhīchí fántǐzì, cídiǎn yóu Yuēhàn Luōsēnnuò (John S. Rohsenow) biānjí. Xiàndài yǔyán qīkān duì Luōsēnnuò (Rohsenow) cídiǎn de píngjià shì “ dàigěi rén yúkuài tǐyàn, yìyú shǐyòng ... Wèi pǔtōng Yīngyǔ dúzhě kāiqǐle Zhōngguó mínjiān zhìhuì de bǎokù ... duì rènhé jíbié de yǔyán xuésheng hé rènhé xūyào jīngpì géyán de rén dōu shìjí jù xīyǐnlì qiě shífēn shòuyì de” (89, 2005). Yóu Wénlín Yánjiūsuǒ (zhǐ zhì bǎn de biānzhì zhě) kāifā de xīnbǎn ruǎnjiàn wèi xuéxí yànyǔ zhè yī bǎoguì zīyuán zēngtiānle xīn de wéidù. Gāi ruǎnjiàn bǎnběn yīng yǔ Wénlín Hànyǔ Xuéxí Ruǎnjiàn 4.1 huò gèng gāo bǎnběn jiéhé shǐyòng. Yōngyǒu Wénlín qiángdà de ABC Diànzǐ Cídiǎn de quánbù jíhé, yìwèizhe jiǎntǐ hé fántǐ Zhōngwén de dúzhě kěyǐ shíshí fǎngwèn gèzhǒnggèyàng de cítiáo yǐ tànqiú Luōsēnnuò jiàoshòu jīngliáng fānyì de wēimiào zhī chù, bìng lǐjiě Zhōngwén yànyǔ gèng shēnkè de hányì. Shìyòng yú suǒyǒu liúlǎnqì de bǎnběn zhèngzài jījí kāifā zhōng. Zhè yī xīn diànzǐ bǎn de shòuzhòng wèi pǔtōng Yīngyǔ hé Hànyǔ dúzhě, yǐjí rénlèixué, yǔyánxué, wénxué, shèhuìxué, xīnlǐxué, lìshǐxué zàinèi de gèzhǒng lǐngyù de zhuānjiā. Xīnbǎn Wénlín 4.2 huò gèng gāo bǎnběn de ruǎnjiàn kě fǎngwèn https://www.wenlinshangdian.com wǎngshang gòumǎi, shòujià wèi 19.99 Měiyuán. Zuìjìn yóu Xiàwēiyí Dàxué Chūbǎnshè chūbǎn de «ABC Hàn-Yīng Yànyǔ Cídiǎn» bāohánle yuē 4000 duō tiáo Hànyǔ yànyǔ, gēnjù Hànyǔ Pīnyīn zhuǎnlù hé Hànzì (biāozhǔn jiǎntǐ), ànzhào yànyǔ shǒucí (詞/词 cí) de zìmǔ shùnxù páiliè, fùdài de Yīngwén shūmiàn zhíyì (rú bìyào yě huì cǎiyòng yìyì). Qítā nèiróng bāohán: jiǎnyào yòngfǎ zhùshì, láiyuán, bìngxíng biǎodá, cānzhào yǐnyòng yǐjí yìngyòng shílì. Chúle yànyǔ zhīwài, zìdiǎn hái dàiyǒu guānjiàncí suǒyǐn (Zhōng-Yīngwén), bāokuò suǒyǒu shèjí de cítiáo hé huàtí. Biānzhě duì zhèxiē yànyǔ zài chuántǒng yǔ dāngdài Zhōngguó shèhuì zhòngdì dìngyì, jiégòu, yòngtú hé lìshǐ jìnxíngle xuéshù jièshào, lièchūle wénxiàn jí hé xiāngguān yànyǔ de xuéshù yánjiū.
Specifically, information released in new media outlets emphasise timeliness. The irreconcilable conflict between such requirement and the principle of accuracy in news reportage concerns many journalists. In China, the common rule of thumb in terms of news production is that ‘the writer is responsible for the consequences of this article’. Journalists are obliged to take full responsibility for all issues engendered by the news under their name. The risk of ‘more mistakes with more releases’ is a shadow that follows news production as a by-product of the censorship system. Thus, the journalists in Fujian’s press groups disregard the new system of censorship as a ‘buffer’ that could protect them from various risks, particularly political ones. When journalists believe that the risk they may undertake outweighs the financial return they will attain, they choose not to cooperate.
Generally, the journalists’ reluctance to collaborate can be explained under the binary structure of ‘traditional media versus new media’, which is manifested at three levels. At the institutional level, the antithesis of traditional media versus new media is represented as the schism between ‘inside the system’ and ‘outside the system’. Given the impact of new media and the existing ideological control, the Fujian press industry has opted to sacrifice part of its economic gains for political security, which is also an option for journalists ‘inside the system’. At the organisational level, the antithesis is manifested as the enmity between the traditional and the new media departments. Divergent interests have made the leaders and journalists of metropolis newspapers less willing to cooperate with the centre compared with their counterparts from the party organs. At the individual level, the binary structure is manifested as the competition between professional journalists and other we-media runners. Faced with challenges from non-professional information providers, most journalists opt to follow their occupational boundaries and refrain from adding their voice to the new media.
Lāqiáolā (La Jolla), Jiālìfúníyà zhōu—Zhōngwén Xuéxí Ruǎnjiàn Wénlín hé CDL zìtǐ jìshù de kāifā shāng——Wénlín Yánjiūsuǒ xīn tuīchū de «Hàn-Yīng yànyǔ cídiǎn» ruǎnjiàn bǎn xiànyǐ zhīchí fántǐzì, cídiǎn yóu Yuēhàn Luōsēnnuò (John S. Rohsenow) biānjí. Xiàndài yǔyán qīkān duì Luōsēnnuò (Rohsenow) cídiǎn de píngjià shì “ dàigěi rén yúkuài tǐyàn, yìyú shǐyòng ... Wèi pǔtōng Yīngyǔ dúzhě kāiqǐle Zhōngguó mínjiān zhìhuì de bǎokù ... duì rènhé jíbié de yǔyán xuésheng hé rènhé xūyào jīngpì géyán de rén dōu shìjí jù xīyǐnlì qiě shífēn shòuyì de” (89, 2005). Yóu Wénlín Yánjiūsuǒ (zhǐ zhì bǎn de biānzhì zhě) kāifā de xīnbǎn ruǎnjiàn wèi xuéxí yànyǔ zhè yī bǎoguì zīyuán zēngtiānle xīn de wéidù. Gāi ruǎnjiàn bǎnběn yīng yǔ Wénlín Hànyǔ Xuéxí Ruǎnjiàn 4.1 huò gèng gāo bǎnběn jiéhé shǐyòng. Yōngyǒu Wénlín qiángdà de ABC Diànzǐ Cídiǎn de quánbù jíhé, yìwèizhe jiǎntǐ hé fántǐ Zhōngwén de dúzhě kěyǐ shíshí fǎngwèn gèzhǒnggèyàng de cítiáo yǐ tànqiú Luōsēnnuò jiàoshòu jīngliáng fānyì de wēimiào zhī chù, bìng lǐjiě Zhōngwén yànyǔ gèng shēnkè de hányì. Shìyòng yú suǒyǒu liúlǎnqì de bǎnběn zhèngzài jījí kāifā zhōng. Zhè yī xīn diànzǐ bǎn de shòuzhòng wèi pǔtōng Yīngyǔ hé Hànyǔ dúzhě, yǐjí rénlèixué, yǔyánxué, wénxué, shèhuìxué, xīnlǐxué, lìshǐxué zàinèi de gèzhǒng lǐngyù de zhuānjiā. Xīnbǎn Wénlín 4.2 huò gèng gāo bǎnběn de ruǎnjiàn kě fǎngwèn https://www.wenlinshangdian.com wǎngshang gòumǎi, shòujià wèi 19.99 Měiyuán. Zuìjìn yóu Xiàwēiyí Dàxué Chūbǎnshè chūbǎn de «ABC Hàn-Yīng Yànyǔ Cídiǎn» bāohánle yuē 4000 duō tiáo Hànyǔ yànyǔ, gēnjù Hànyǔ Pīnyīn zhuǎnlù hé Hànzì (biāozhǔn jiǎntǐ), ànzhào yànyǔ shǒucí (詞/词 cí) de zìmǔ shùnxù páiliè, fùdài de Yīngwén shūmiàn zhíyì (rú bìyào yě huì cǎiyòng yìyì). Qítā nèiróng bāohán: jiǎnyào yòngfǎ zhùshì, láiyuán, bìngxíng biǎodá, cānzhào yǐnyòng yǐjí yìngyòng shílì. Chúle yànyǔ zhīwài, zìdiǎn hái dàiyǒu guānjiàncí suǒyǐn (Zhōng-Yīngwén), bāokuò suǒyǒu shèjí de cítiáo hé huàtí. Biānzhě duì zhèxiē yànyǔ zài chuántǒng yǔ dāngdài Zhōngguó shèhuì zhòngdì dìngyì, jiégòu, yòngtú hé lìshǐ jìnxíngle xuéshù jièshào, lièchūle wénxiàn jí hé xiāngguān yànyǔ de xuéshù yánjiū.
67 The side with higher audience costs is less likely to back down in a foreign crisis and therefore able to signal its intentions to other states more credibly than states with lower audience costs. Fearon, J.D., “Domestic political audiences and the escalation of international disputes,” American Political Science Review, Vol. 88, No. 3 (1994), pp. 577–92. Weiss, “Powerful patriots: nationalism, diplomacy and the strategic logic of anti-foreign protest.”
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